LIBRARY 

ERSITY  Of 

CALIFORNIA 

SAN  oia**- 


JOHN    WENTWORTH 


"^h^^^^^T^ 


JOHN  WENTWORTH 

(governor  of  New  Hampshire 

1767-1775 

BY 

LAWRENCE  SHAW  MAYO 


<sm  #'*%  $M& 


c^     *$*     c^ 


CA  MBRIT>gE 

HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 
MDCCCCXXI 


COPYRIGHT,  I92I 
HARVARD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


TO  MY  FATHER 


PREFACE 

IN  writing  this  biography  of  the  last  royal  governor  of  New 
Hampshire,  I  have  tried,  whenever  possible,  to  allow  Went- 
worth  to  tell  the  story  in  his  own  words.  This  method  is  open  to 
at  least  two  objections.  In  the  first  place  the  Governor's  com- 
ments on  men  and  events  were  not  always  based  upon  accurate 
information.  They  do,  however,  show  what  he  believed  to  be  the 
truth,  and  hence  afford  a  better  explanation  of  his  acts  than 
would  be  given  by  an  error-free  recital  of  historical  facts.  Herein, 
perhaps,  lies  an  essential  difference  between  the  writing  of  bi- 
ography and  the  writing  of  history;  but  the  ideal  biography  will 
combine  the  two  points  of  view  and  give  the  reader  the  situation 
both  as  it  appeared  to  the  contemporary  observer  and  as  it  ap- 
pears in  history.  I  have  attempted  coordination  of  this  kind,  but 
in  many  instances  I  was  unable  to  find  material  with  which  to 
verify  or  balance  Wentworth's  contemporaneous  account. 

The  second  objection  lies  in  the  fact  that  the  Governor's  disre- 
gard for  punctuation  and  spelling  makes  his  letters  difficult  to 
read,  and  still  more  difficult  to  weave  into  the  narrative  without 
destroying  whatever  smoothness  it  might  otherwise  possess.  Con- 
trary to  modern  usage,  therefore,  I  have  sometimes  punctuated 
his  sentences  and  corrected  his  spelling.  This  seemed  justifiable 
under  the  circumstances,  although  I  should  be  the  first  to  dis- 
countenance doing  so  in  printing  a  volume  of  letters  or  docu- 
ments as  such.  If  on  any  page  the  reader  finds  reason  to  suspect 
that  the  meaning  has  been  distorted  by  these  well-intended  emen- 
dations, I  hope  that  he  will  examine  the  original,  to  which  a  foot- 
note will  guide  him,  and  that  he  will  give  me  the  benefit  of  his 
keener  perception  if  he  finds  that  I  have  been  misleading. 


viii  PREFACE 

The  friends  and  acquaintances  who  have  helped  me  in  my 
work  are  so  many  that  I  hesitate  to  acknowledge  my  indebted- 
ness to  any  of  them  individually.  On  the  other  hand  I  should  be 
ungrateful  indeed  if  I  failed  to  take  this  opportunity  to  thank 
Mrs.  Gordon  Abbott  and  the  Right  Honorable  Earl  Fitzwilliam 
for  their  kind  interest,  which  made  it  possible  to  reproduce  in 
these  pages  portraits  which  are  in  their  possession.  Messrs. 
Moses  J.  Wentworth  and  William  H.  Wentworth  placed  at  my 
disposal  much  material  that  otherwise  I  should  never  have  dis- 
covered. Professor  Barrett  Wendell's  remarkable  knowledge  of 
Portsmouth  history  and  tradition  is  equaled  only  by  the  patience 
with  which  he  has  answered  my  many  questions.  Likewise,  in 
the  general  field  of  American  history,  Professor  Edward  Channing 
has  been  ever  helpful.  The  arduous  task  of  literary  revision  has 
been  cheerfully  performed  by  my  mother,  whose  discernment  and 
taste  have  improved  the  narrative  more  than  I  should  like  the 
reader  to  know. 

Cambridge,  Massachusetts 
June,  1920 


CONTENTS 


Chapter  Pace 

I.    THE  RISE  OF  THE  WENTWORTH  FAMILY      ...  3 

II.    HARVARD  COLLEGE 7 

III.  ENGLAND 15 

IV.  THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 31 

V.    THE  KING'S  WOODS 47 

VI.    Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr 61 

VII.    ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 73 

VIII.    WOLFEBOROUGH 87 

IX.    THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE IOI 

X.    DISTANT  THUNDER II9 

XL    DARKENING  SKIES 129 

XII.    THE  STORM I40 

XIII.  IN  EXILE 157 

XIV.  NOVA  SCOTIA 172 

XV.    BENEDICTION 186 

INDEX 199 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


GOVERNOR  WENTWORTH Frontispiece 

From  a  pastel  by  Copley,  in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Gordon 
Abbott  of  Boston. 

Facing  page 

WENTWORTH  HOUSE,  YORKSHIRE l6 

From  an  engraving  in  Allen's  History  of  the  County  of  York. 

JOHN  WENTWORTH  IN   1766 38 

From  a  painting  by  Wilson,  in  the  gallery  of  Earl  Fitzwilliam 
at  Wentworth  Woodhouse,  Rotherham. 

Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr 70 

From  a  painting  by  Copley,  in  the  gallery  of  the  New  York 
Public  Library. 

WOLFEBOROUGH  AND  ITS  ENVIRONS  IN  1773        ....       90 

From  an  enlargement  of  the  Holland  Map  of  New  Hampshire. 

Sir  JOHN  WENTWORTH  ABOUT   1808 I90 

From    a  painting  by  Robert   Field,  in   Government   House, 
Halifax. 


JOHN    WENTWORTH 


CHAPTER    I. 

THE  RISE  OF  THE  WENTWORTH    FAMILY 

A  YOUNG  man  named  William  Wentworth  was  one  of  the 
first  settlers  in  Exeter,  New  Hampshire.  He  came  from  the 
village  of  Rigsby,  near  Alford,  in  Lincolnshire,  and  probably  he 
chose  Exeter  for  his  new  home  because  he  knew  and  admired  the 
Reverend  John  Wheelwright,  who  had  founded  the  community 
there.  Wentworth  and  Wheelwright  had  been  neighbors  in  Old 
England,  where  the  latter's  outspoken  Puritanism  had  incurred 
the  displeasure  of  his  bishop.1  Deprived  of  his  benefice,  Wheel- 
wright had  emigrated  to  Massachusetts,  fully  expecting  to  find 
appreciation  in  the  Bible  Commonwealth.  But  it  soon  became 
apparent  that  his  theology  was  not  in  complete  accord  with  that 
of  Governor  Winthrop,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1637  he  was  ban- 
ished from  the  Bay  Colony.  Nothing  daunted  he  went  north- 
ward and  planted  a  settlement  of  his  own  at  Exeter. 

Just  when  William  Wentworth  came  to  America  and  joined 
Wheelwright  in  New  Hampshire  we  do  not  know,  but  it  could 
not  have  been  later  than  1639,  ^or  'n  tnat:  vear  ne  signed  a  docu- 
ment known  as  the  Exeter  Combination.  Wheelwright's  colony, 
like  that  at  Plymouth  about  twenty  years  earlier,  was  beyond  the 
limits  of  any  jurisdiction,  and  in  order  to  organize  some  sort  of 
government  the  settlers  drew  up  an  agreement  and  appended 
their  names  thereto.  The  compact  is  dated  July  4,  1639,  and 
fourth  in  the  list  of  signatures  stands  the  comparatively  legible 
autograph  of  William  Wentworth,  who  was  then  about  twenty- 

1.  John  Wentworth's  Wentworth  Genealogy,  i,  65-70. 


4  THE   RISE  OF 

three  years  of  age.  At  that  time  the  future  looked  fairly  bright 
for  Wheelwright  and  his  followers,  but  within  a  few  years  their 
territory  was  unexpectedly  placed  under  the  jurisdiction  of  Mass- 
achusetts. This  meant  that  Wheelwright  must  leave  the  colony 
which  he  had  founded  with  so  much  labor  and  hardship.  Again 
he  sought  a  new  home,  and  again  Wentworth  followed  him  into 
exile.  At  Wells,  in  the  province  of  Maine,  they  found  a  more  tol- 
erant atmosphere.  Wentworth  remained  there  until  1649,  the 
year  of  Winthrop's  death;  he  then  returned  to  New  Hampshire 
and  settled  in  Dover. 

In  this  environment  William  Wentworth  prospered.  He  ac- 
quired much  land,  became  a  ruling  elder  in  the  church,  was  fre- 
quently chosen  one  of  the  selectmen,  and  in  his  old  age  won 
lasting  renown.  In  June,  1689,  a  band  of  hostile  Indians  planned 
a  raid  upon  the  five  garrisoned  houses  in  which  the  inhabitants  of 
the  outskirts  of  Dover  were  accustomed  to  take  refuge  at  night. 
The  attack  was  completely  successful  except  in  the  case  of  the 
Heard  house.  Elder  Wentworth  was  one  of  this  garrison  and  he 
awoke  just  as  the  savages  entered.  Without  a  moment's  hesita- 
tion he  hurled  the  intruders  out  into  the  night;  then  falling  on  his 
back,  he  set  his  feet  against  the  door  of  the  stockade  and  held  it 
until  friends  came  to  his  support.  Two  bullets  were  fired  at  him 
through  the  gate,  but  fortunately  neither  was  effective.  When 
one  considers  that  at  the  time  of  this  exploit  Elder  Wentworth 
was  seventy-three  years  of  age,  it  is  not  surprising  that  the  Went- 
worths  of  today  are  proud  of  their  first  ancestor  in  America. 

John  Wentworth,  a  grandson  of  the  memorable  Elder,  was  ap- 
pointed lieutenant-governor  of  New  Hampshire  in  1717;  and  from 
that  year  dates  the  political  ascendancy  of  the  Wentworth  family, 
which  soon  became  as  controlling  an  influence  in  New  Hampshire 
as  John  Winthrop  had  been  in  Massachusetts  one  hundred  years 
earlier.    In  1717  Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire  shared  the 


THE   WENTWORTH   FAMILY  5 

same  governor.  This  was  supposed  to  be  desirable  from  a  mili- 
tary point  of  view,  but  since  the  chief  executive  could  not  reside 
in  both  provinces  at  one  time,  the  northern  settlement  was  given 
a  lieutenant-governor,  who  in  his  superior's  absence  possessed 
almost  full  gubernatorial  power.  For  this  office  John  Wentworth 
of  Portsmouth  was  eminently  fitted.  In  his  early  days  he  had  led 
a  sea-faring  life,  and  later  as  a  merchant  he  had  amassed  a  con- 
siderable fortune.  He  was  fond  of  pomp  and  circumstance,  lived 
on  a  grand  scale,  and  for  reasons  more  easily  conjectured  than 
proved,  abandoned  the  religious  denomination  of  his  non-con- 
forming forebears  and  became  a  thorough-going  Churchman.1  He 
proved  his  ability  as  an  executive  by  his  conduct  of  the  fourth 
Indian  war,  commonly  called  Lovewell's  War,  and  for  the  most 
part  pleased  both  the  King  and  his  fellow-citizens  during  the 
thirteen  years  of  his  administration. 

Lieutenant-Governor  Wentworth  died  in  office  in  1730.  Of  the 
fourteen  children  who  survived  him,  his  son  Benning  was  his 
political  heir.  In  1741  he  was  appointed  governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, and  he  remained  in  that  office  twenty-five  years,  holding  his 
commission  longer  than  any  other  executive  in  the  colonies.  By 
this  time  the  province  was  happily  rid  of  its  political  connection 
with  Massachusetts,  and  upon  the  foundation  of  family  gov- 
ernment which  his  father  had  laid,  Benning  erected  an  amazing 
edifice  of  personally  related  office-holders.  Scarcely  a  brother, 
nephew,  or  cousin  was  without  some  position  in  the  administra- 
tion. One  would  think  that  this  Wentworth  bureaucracy  would 
have  shocked  the  sensibilities  of  colonial  political  theorists,  yet  it 
seems  to  have  been  accepted  as  a  matter  of  course,  and  to  have 
caused  not  one  tithe  of  the  comment  provoked  by  the  Governor's 
marriage  with  Martha  Hilton.  Longfellow  has  immortalized  this 

1.  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xviii,  51;  also  Massa- 
chusetts Historical  Society's  Collections,  Fourth  Series,  ii,  162. 


6  THE  WENTWORTH   FAMILY 

wedding  in  his  Tales  of  a  Wayside  Inn,  and  although  the  facts  of 
the  case  were  not  quite  so  romantic  as  the  poet  would  lead  one  to 
believe,  it  gave  Portsmouth  a  good  deal  to  talk  about,  —  for 
Benning  Wentworth  was  precisely  forty  years  older  than  his 
bride. 

Blessed  with  money,  position,  and  a  splendid  mansion,  the 
Governor  was  in  one  respect  most  unfortunate;  all  his  children 
died  comparatively  young.  So  it  came  about  that  the  logical  suc- 
cessor to  his  office  and  the  heir  apparent  to  his  wealth  was  his 
nephew,  John  Wentworth,  of  whom  this  story  treats. 


CHAPTER    II. 

HARVARD  COLLEGE 

JOHN  WENTWORTH  was  born  in  Portsmouth,  August  9, 
1737,1  and  was  properly  baptized  there  five  days  later.  To 
say  that  he  was  born  with  the  proverbial  silver  spoon  in  his 
mouth  would  be  a  mild  way  of  indicating  the  material  prosperity 
that  surrounded  his  entrance  into  this  world.  His  father,  Mark 
Hunking  Wentworth,  had  made  a  fortune  by  trading  with  the 
West  Indies  and  by  supplying  the  royal  navy  with  masts  and 
spars  from  the  forests  of  North  America.2  Besides  being  one  of 
the  richest  merchants  in  New  England  he  was  one  of  a  group  of 
land  magnates,  generally  referred  to  as  "the  Masonian  Propri- 
etors," whose  control  of  New  Hampshire  lands  had  come  about 
in  the  following  manner.  In  1746  John  Tufton  Mason,  who  had 
a  somewhat  dubious  claim  to  a  generous  portion  of  what  is  now 
the  Granite  State,  tried  to  sell  his  rights  thereto  to  the  province. 
The  Assembly  backed  and  filled  until  the  owner's  patience  was 
exhausted,  and  he  looked  about  for  a  more  resolute  purchaser. 
The  latter  soon  presented  itself  in  an  association  of  twelve  promi- 
nent Portsmouth  gentlemen  who  were  quick  to  realize  the  pos- 
sibilities of  the  transaction.  Before  the  Assembly  awoke  to  the 
situation,  Theodore  Atkinson,  Mark  Wentworth,  Richard  Wibird, 
and  their  enterprising  friends  bought  Mason's  entire  interest  in 
fifteen  shares  for  £1500,  the  first  two  financiers  being  the  largest 
stockholders.3 

1.  Harvard  College  Faculty  Records  (Ms.),  ii,  1.  This  date  is  according  to  the 
Old  Style;  by  modern  reckoning  it  would  be  August  20. 

2.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  xviii,  566. 

3.  Belknap's  History  0/  New  Hampshire,  ii,  258-260. 


8  HARVARD  COLLEGE 

John  Wentworth's  mother  was  likewise  a  member  of  the  pro- 
vincial plutocracy.  She  was  Elizabeth  Rindge,  whose  father  had 
been  a  very  successful  merchant  and  an  influential  citizen.  It 
was  natural  then  that  the  Mark  Wentworths  should  reside  in 
Portsmouth  in  a  large,  gambrel-roofed  house,  surmounted  by  a 
graceful  cupola,  which  stood  complacently  in  its  setting  of  mag- 
nificent elms  on  the  corner  of  Daniel  and  Chapel  Streets.1  Here 
the  future  governor  was  born,  and  here  he  spent  his  childhood 
until  the  time  came  for  him  to  exchange  the  congenial  atmosphere 
of  the  New  Hampshire  metropolis  for  the  more  or  less  serious 
pursuit  of  learning  at  Cambridge,  Massachusetts. 

Almost  from  the  beginning  of  the  colonies  a  certain  entente 
cordiale  had  existed  between  Portsmouth  and  Harvard  College. 
In  the  middle  of  the  seventeenth  century,  when  the  Puritan  in- 
stitution was  struggling  through  a  period  of  financial  stringency, 
the  old  town  by  the  sea  heard  "the  loud  groans  of  the  sinking 
College  "  and  came  to  its  rescue  with  an  annuity  of  £60  for 
seven  years.2  Still  further  evidence  of  the  good  feeling  between 
the  two  communities  is  found  in  the  number  of  Portsmouth  lads 
who  sought  knowledge  on  the  banks  of  the  Charles.  Among  these 
was  Benning  Wentworth,  who  was  graduated  in  the  Class  of  1715, 
and  it  followed  almost  as  a  matter  of  course  that  his  nephew  John 
should  seek  the  same  alma  mater.  Consequently,  in  the  autumn 
of  175 1,  when  the  boy  was  barely  fourteen  years  old,  he  entered 
Harvard  College  and  was  listed  as  one  of  Mr.  Mayhew's  pupils. 

Those  were  the  pre-democratic  days  when  the  students  were 
arranged  not  alphabetically  but  according  to  the  social  status  of 
their  families.  Whether  one  was  towards  the  head  or  towards  the 
foot  of  the  list  was  a  matter  of  serious  concern,  for  members  of 
the  leading  families  had  the  privilege  of  helping  themselves  first 

1.  Brewster's  Rambles  about  Portsmouth,  i,  93—95. 

2.  Quincy's  History  of  Harvard  University,  i,  30. 


HARVARD  COLLEGE  9 

at  table,1  and,  therefore,  it  was  well  for  John  Wentworth  that  at 
the  "placing"  of  the  freshmen  by  the  president  and  tutors  his 
name  was  fifth  on  the  list.2  By  just  what  nice  distinction  it  was 
determined  that  he  should  not  be  first,  second,  third,  or  fourth, 
one  cannot  say,  but  it  is  possible  that  Massachusetts  aristocracy 
had  precedence  over  that  of  the  neighboring  provinces. 

But  far  more  important  than  this  superficial  social  registration 
was  the  opportunity  for  valuable  friendships  which  Harvard 
offered  to  young  Wentworth;  and  his  choice  of  comrades  seems  to 
have  been  most  happy.  First  among  his  companions  was  Ammi 
Ruhammah  Cutter,  a  youth  from  the  District  of  Maine  who  was 
a  senior  when  John  was  a  freshman.  He  was  a  great  favorite  with 
all,  but  especially  so  with  the  boys  from  Portsmouth,  and  it  was 
owing  to  this  intimacy  that  Cutter  chose  that  town  for  his  home 
after  graduation  in  1752.  There  he  studied  medicine,  practised 
with  success,  and  before  long  married  one  of  the  heiresses  of  the 
place.3  So  it  came  about  that  from  their  college  days  until  the 
outbreak  of  the  Revolution  John  Wentworth  and  Dr.  Cutter 
were  constantly  associated.  Another  noteworthy  friend  was 
John  Adams,  a  brilliant  young  Puritan  from  Braintree,  Massa- 
chusetts, a  farmer's  son  who  was  destined  to  be  the  second  presi- 
dent of  the  United  States.  Although  Adams  was  two  years  older 
than  Wentworth  they  were  classmates,  and  the  fact  that  their 
places  on  the  social  list  were  far  apart  seems  to  have  had  no  effect 
upon  their  comradeship.  Other  members  of  the  Class  of  1755 
were  William  Browne,  subsequently  governor  of  Bermuda;  David 

1.  W.  R.  Thayer's  Historical  Sketch  of  Harvard  University,  p.  42. 

2.  Harvard  College  Faculty  Records  (Ms.),  ii,  1.  There  is  an  excellent  article 
on  collegiate  social  distinctions  before  the  Revolution  by  Franklin  Bowditch 
Dexter;  it  is  to  be  found  in  American  Antiquarian  Society's  Proceedings,  New 
Series,  ix,  34-59- 

3.  Benjamin  Cutter's  Cutter  Family  0/  New  England,  pp.  60-72. 


io  HARVARD   COLLEGE 

Sewall,  who  became  a  distinguished  federal  judge;  Tristram  Dal- 
ton,  one  of  the  first  senators  of  the  United  States  from  Massachu- 
setts; Samuel  Locke,  sometime  president  of  Harvard  College;  and 
Moses  Hemenway,  a  prominent  divine.  All  in  all,  that  class  of 
twenty-four  members  was  remarkable  for  the  number  of  men 
afterwards  eminent  in  various  fields,  and  association  with  that 
rare  group  was  one  of  the  most  fortunate  events  in  the  life  of 
John  Wentworth. 

College  life  in  the  eighteenth  century  was  intended  to  be  a 
colorless  existence  in  which  animal  spirits  played  no  part.  With 
this  end  in  view  the  undergraduate  was  surrounded  by  a  multi- 
tude of  petty  regulations  of  his  conduct,  in  which  the  don'ts  far 
outnumbered  the  dos.  By  this  method  the  president  and  tutors 
persistently  hoped  to  keep  the  students  in  a  constant  atmosphere 
of  sobriety  and  study,  but  the  desired  result  was  not  achieved. 
Alas  for  him  who  thinks  that  by  suppression  he  can  destroy  the 
natural  effervescence  of  youth!  The  result  is  invariably  that 
which  attends  tying  down  the  safety  valve  of  a  steam-engine,  but 
in  the  eighteenth  century  pedagogues  had  yet  to  learn  this  by 
bitter  experience.  In  those  days  when  there  was  no  football  or 
baseball  practice  on  Soldiers  Field,  no  tennis,  no  crews  on  the 
river,  and  no  cinder-track  for  the  fleet  of  foot,  the  surplus  energy 
of  the  undergraduate,  which  now  expends  itself  in  those  healthful 
channels,  found  occasional  outlet  in  quasi  riots  in  the  Yard.  Pre- 
sumably the  educational  theory  was  that  by  suppression  and  con- 
centration this  animal  force  would  suffer  a  remarkable  change 
into  greater  proficiency  in  Hebrew,  Greek,  and  Euclid.  Actually, 
however,  it  took  the  form  of  violent  outbreaks,  which  every  now 
and  then  punctuated  the  dull  monotony  of  the  student's  life. 

One  evening,  early  in  John  Wentworth's  freshman  year,  his 
tutor,  Mr.  Mayhew,  was  greatly  disturbed  "by  the  rowling  of  a 
logg  twice  down  the  stairs  leading  to  his  chamber  from  above,  after 


HARVARD  COLLEGE  n 

he  was  got  into  bed  about  eleven  o'clock."  '  With  those  mingled 
feelings  of  resentment  and  reluctance  which  only  the  proctorial 
mind  can  appreciate,  the  conscientious  tutor  rose  from  his  couch 
and  went  to  the  door  of  his  study.  All  was  quiet,  but  Mr.  May- 
hew,  being  of  an  inquiring  turn  of  mind,  was  not  content  with  the 
cessation  of  hostilities.  He  ventured  out  into  the  draughty  hall- 
way, and  standing  incautiously  at  the  head  of  a  steep  flight  of 
stairs,  awaited  developments.  He  had  not  long  to  wait.  Suddenly 
from  a  dark  corner  a  sturdy  figure  —  or  were  there  two?  — 
emerged,  and  shoved  the  worthy  tutor  headlong  down  the  stair- 
way. 

This  assault  was  typical  of  the  periodical  disturbances  that  up- 
set the  reign  of  law  and  order  in  Harvard  College,  and  one  might 
almost  expect  to  find  that  John  Wentworth  was  implicated  in 
some  of  them.  On  the  contrary,  however,  his  behavior  appears  to 
have  been  exemplary,  his  only  offenses  being  trips  "out  of  town 
without  leave,"  for  which  he  was  fined  two  shillings  sixpence,  and 
prolonged  vacations  which  cost  him  much  less  than  would  similar 
misdemeanors  today.  His  friend  Cutter  showed  more  spirit, 
though  less  discretion.  When  a  sophomore  he  once  gave  vent  to 
his  feelings  by  smashing  the  windows  of  Mr.  Flynt,  a  venerable 
tutor  of  over  seventy  years.  Just  what  his  grievance  was  does 
not  appear.  Probably  he  had  none;  certainly  none  that  appealed 
to  the  Faculty,  for  they  found  him  guilty  of  "an  heinous  insult," 
and  "for  his  said  crime"  degraded  him  fifteen  places  in  his  class.2 

Such  sidelights  on  the  exuberant  nature  of  Cutter  make  one 
appreciate  John  Wentworth's  lament  after  his  comrade's  gradu- 
ation. "The  College  now  is  filled  up  (allmost)  of  Boys  from  n 
to  1 4  Years  old,  and  them  seem  to  be  quite  void  of  ye  Spirit  and 
life  which  is  a  general  concomitant  of  Youth;  so  you  may  Judge 

1.  Harvard  College  Faculty  Records  (Ms.),  i,  348. 

2.  Ibid.,  i,  301. 


12  HARVARD  COLLEGE 

what  kind  of  life  I  now  live,  who  was  wont  to  live  in  the  gayest 
and  most  Jovial  manner,  when  I  was  first  admitted  one  of  this 
Society,  which  I  then  thought  was  a  Compound  of  Mirth  and 
Gaiety,  as  it  is  now  Gravity.  Should  you  go  into  a  Company  of 
Schollars  now,  you'd  hear  disputes  of  Original  Sin,  actual  Trans- 
gression, and  such  like,  instead  of  the  sprightly  turns  of  Wit  and 
Gay  repartees  which  the  former  Companys  used  to  have,  which 
makes  me  cry  out  (and  with  reason)  with  a  certain  author  'Oh 
Alma  mater,  how  hast  thou  degenerated  from  thy  Pristine 
Glory!'"1  On  the  whole  Wentworth  seems  to  have  tolerated 
rather  than  enjoyed  the  life  at  Cambridge,  which  he  referred  to 
upon  at  least  one  occasion  as  "my  pilgrim,  .ge  among  the  heathen." 
The  sumptuous  fare  at  his  father's  table  was  far  more  attractive 
than  the  two  sizes  of  bread,  pound  of  meat,  and  half  pint  of  beer 
that  constituted  his  rations  at  college,2  and  for  other  reasons  he 
was  ever  ready  to  take  the  northerly  road  that  led  towards  home. 
The  four  years  passed  quickly,  however,  and  in  the  summer  of 
1755,  about  the  time  of  Braddock's  memorable  disaster,  Went- 
worth, Adams,  and  the  rest  were  admitted  to  the  fellowship  of 
educated  men.  Then  came  the  question  of  a  vocation.  Like  most 
sons  of  the  rich,  Wentworth  entered  his  father's  house  of  business 
and  devoted  his  energies  to  the  pursuit  of  more  wealth.3  At  this 
time  he  had  only  a  small  amount  of  money  of  his  own,  £600  or  so, 
which  was  not  enough  to  buy  an  interest  in  a  trading  ship,4  and 
consequently  the  future  governor  was  on  the  lookout  for  an  at- 
tractive small  investment.  This  appeared  in  the  autumn  of  1759, 

1 .  Cutter's  Cutter  Family,  p.  3 1 1 . 

1.  Thayer's  Historical  Sketch  of  Harvard  University,  p.  41. 

3.  Plummer's  Manuscript  Biographies,  v,  250,  in  the  cabinet  of  the  New 
Hampshire  Historical  Society. 

4.  "Masonian  Papers,"  vol.  iii  ("Peirce  Manuscripts"),  folio  n;  in  the 
state  archives  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire. 


HARVARD  COLLEGE  13 

when  Dr.  Cutter,  David  Sewall,  and  two  other  young  men  of 
Portsmouth  purchased  a  tract  of  land  containing  thirty-six 
square  miles  on  the  northwestern  frontier  of  the  province.  Hav- 
ing secured  their  grant,  they  admitted  twenty  of  their  friends  as 
associates,  among  which  number  were  John  Wentworth  and  his 
younger  brother  Thomas.1  The  acquired  territory  was  bounded 
on  the  west  by  Lake  Winnipesaukee,  and  included  within  its 
limits  smaller  bodies  of  water  and  hills  and  valleys  of  rare  beauty. 
Some  twenty  years  earlier  part  of  the  same  area  had  been  granted 
to  the  promoters  of  an  abortive  township  named  Kingswood,  but 
that  scheme  had  proved  a  failure  and  its  charter  had  been  long 
since  annulled.2  The  proprietors  of  the  new  venture,  therefore, 
discarded  the  old  name  and  called  their  township  Wolfborough, 
"in  honor  of  the  late  renowned  and  illustrious  General  Wolf," 
whose  dramatic  death  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham  was  still  fresh  in 
their  memories.3 

John  Wentworth  and  Dr.  Cutter  seem  to  have  taken  a  more 
active  interest  in  the  development  of  this  property  than  did  the 
rest  of  the  associates.  Naturally  things  moved  slowly  and  cau- 
tiously until  the  end  of  the  French  and  Indian  War  was  in  sight, 
but  in  1762  these  two  men  found  themselves  on  a  committee  to 
settle  five  families  in  the  township,  which  they  were  to  accom- 
plish even  if  it  were  necessary  to  give  each  group  a  thousand 
acres  and  £250  in  cash.  The  committee  did  its  best  in  this  dis- 
couraging work  of  town-making,  but  before  any  definite  results 

1.  B.  F.  Parker's  History  of '  Woljeborough,  pp.  10-15. 

2.  Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  ii,  125,  166,  169. 

3.  In  this  christening,  appreciation  of  the  soldier's  achievement  was  more 
apparent  than  accurate  spelling  of  his  name,  for  the  conqueror  of  Quebec 
spelled  it  with  a  final  e.  The  error  was  preserved  in  the  charter  of  the  town, 
and  for  a  century  the  community  accepted  the  mistake  without  protest.  In 
recent  years,  however,  it  has  happily  adopted  the  correct  orthography  for 
Wolfeborough. 


14  HARVARD  COLLEGE 

were  achieved  other  business  temporarily  engaged  the  attention 
of  its  most  energetic  member. 

When  the  Treaty  of  Paris  restored  peace  to  the  world  in  1763, 
Mark  Wentworth,  being  an  enterprising  merchant,  knew  that  the 
time  had  come  to  send  a  representative  of  his  house  to  London. 
Consequently,  in  the  autumn  of  that  year,  John,  "a  worthy, 
agreeable  young  fellow,"  :  was  equipped  with  the  best  letters  of 
introduction  that  the  provincial  aristocracy  could  supply  and 
was  sent  across  the  sea  to  England. 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  xviii,  557. 


CHAPTER    III. 

ENGLAND 

TO  an  American  of  the  eighteenth  century  a  visit  to  England 
corresponded  to  the  Grand  Tour  of  the  Continent  which  at 
that  time  was  the  usual  capstone  of  a  young  Englishman's  edu- 
cation. Therefore,  when  John  Wentworth  crossed  the  Atlantic 
at  the  age  of  twenty-six  he  was  destined  to  expand  his  horizon  and 
to  see  the  world  for  the  first  time.  But  there  was  this  difference 
between  his  case  and  that  of  the  average  well-born  Briton  of  his 
day:  the  latter,  on  his  travels,  sought  chiefly  adventure,  whereas 
Wentworth  took  pains  to  mingle  with  the  most  aristocratic  and 
influential  men  in  the  realm  and  to  cultivate  their  acquaintance 
and  esteem.  Both  of  these  achievements  came  to  him  easily.  His 
letters  of  introduction  and  his  connection  with  the  dominant 
family  of  his  native  province  gave  him  the  entree;  the  rest  was 
accomplished  by  his  charming  personality.  Wherever  he  visited 
he  conquered.  Whoever  met  him  became  his  friend.  His  frank, 
amiable,  and  often  handsome  face  was  decidedly  engaging,  and 
Englishmen  found  his  ideas  and  manners  refreshing.  Naturally 
enough,  therefore,  in  England  and  in  Ireland  he  made  advanta- 
geous acquaintances,  both  for  his  father's  business  and  for  his 
own  social  enjoyment,  the  most  remarkable  and  useful  being  his 
intimacy  with  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham. 

Today  we  know  that  the  Marquis  was  a  distant  relative  of  the 
young  American,  but  apparently,  neither  of  the  two  men  ever  had 
exact  knowledge  of  their  relationship.1    Charles  Watson-Went- 

i.  Wentworth  Genealogy,  i,  25,  note;  also  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's 
Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  602. 


16  ENGLAND 

worth,  as  the  peer  was  christened,  was  then  a  young  man  of 
thirty-four  or  five,  and  was  soon  to  become  a  leader  of  the  Whig 
opposition  to  George  III.  When  only  twenty  years  old  he  had 
succeeded  to  his  father's  title  and  to  the  family  estates,  but  until 
March,  1765,  he  had  little  to  do  with  politics.  His  magnificent 
country-seat,  Wentworth  House,  was,  and  still  is,  the  grandest 
establishment  of  its  kind  in  all  Yorkshire.  Situated  in  the  midst 
of  a  superb  park  of  fifteen  hundred  acres,  the  great  mansion  ex- 
presses better  than  almost  any  other  edifice  in  England  the  splen- 
dor and  dignity  of  the  eighteenth  century.  One  can  easily  imagine 
how  it  must  have  dazzled  John  Wentworth  when  he  beheld  it  for 
the  first  time.  The  principal  facade  extended  for  more  than  six 
hundred  feet  from  tower  to  tower,  and  consisted  of  a  magnificent 
central  block  supported  by  two  symmetrical  wings.  The  whole 
structure  was  in  an  ornate,  neo-classic  style,  replete  with  Corin- 
thian columns  and  florid  pediments,  and  bristling  with  urns  and 
statuary.  The  windows  seemed  to  be  countless,  the  balustrades 
of  infinite  length.  All  in  all,  it  was  a  gorgeous  spectacle.  No  less 
impressive  was  the  interior  with  its  main  hall,  sixty  feet  square 
and  forty  feet  high,  fringed  with  a  colonnade  of  Ionic  columns  and 
gleaming  with  marble  statues.  Toward  the  left,  one  passed  into 
spacious  dining-rooms;  toward  the  right,  into  stately  drawing- 
rooms.  Then,  as  now,  the  mansion  contained  a  number  of  old 
masters,  —  Guidos,  Titians,  Caraccis,  Giordanos,  and  others,  of 
which  probably  the  most  interesting  is  Van  Dyck's  celebrated 
portrait  of  that  earlier  Wentworth,  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  dictat- 
ing to  his  secretary. 

None  of  this  glory  was  wasted  upon  the  young  American.  Al- 
though heir  apparent  to  the  largest  fortune  in  New  England,  it  is 
doubtful  if  his  imagination  had  ever  pictured  such  a  lavish  con- 
geries of  wealth,  art  and  fashion  as  that  which  he  encountered 
when  visiting  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham;  and  memories  of  this 


ENGLAND  17 

great  estate  must  have  been  still  vivid  in  his  mind  a  few  years 
later  when  he  built  a  Wentworth  House  of  his  own  in  the  New 
World.  There  is  a  story  that  the  future  governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire first  attracted  his  Lordship's  attention  by  betting  on  his 
horses  at  the  races,  and  that  the  acquaintance  began  then  and 
there,1  but  such  an  account  of  their  meeting  is  more  suggestive  of 
provincial  imagination  than  of  the  formalities  of  Wentworth 
House.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  two  men  became  close  friends  at 
this  time  and  remained  so  throughout  the  Marquis's  life. 

When  Wentworth  left  America  political  relations  between  that 
part  of  the  empire  and  the  British  Parliament  were  of  the  best. 
General  rejoicing  at  the  cessation  of  war,  freedom  from  danger  of 
French  encroachments  in  the  North,  and  the  expulsion  of  Spain 
from  the  Floridas  in  the  South,  gave  every  token  of  an  era  of 
peace  and  prosperity.  But,  as  usual,  the  expected  did  not  happen. 
Parliament  destroyed  all  hope  of  a  united  empire  by  subjecting 
the  continental  colonies  to  new  and  unwelcome  taxes,  which, 
whether  just  or  otherwise,  were  wholly  inexpedient.  The  Ameri- 
cans tolerated  part  of  the  program  but  protested  against  its  most 
irksome  feature,  the  notorious  Stamp  Act.  To  insure  union 
against  the  common  enemy,  a  congress  of  the  colonies  was  held  at 
New  York  in  October,  1765.  This  body  formulated  the  colonial 
objections  and  adopted  resolutions  for  the  preservation  of  the 
rights  of  Englishmen  in  America.  New  Hampshire,  for  some  rea- 
son or  other,  begged  to  be  excused  from  the  congress,  but  when  its 
measures  were  published  the  northern  province  merely  duplicated 
them  and  sent  the  papers  to  England.  At  the  same  time  popular 
disapproval  of  the  new  regime  took  the  form  of  non-importation 
agreements  and  riots.  The  former  method  was  wise  and  effective, 
especially  when  the  merchants  went  so  far  as  to  cancel  orders  al- 

1.  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xviii,  52. 


18  ENGLAND 

ready  given  and  to  send  no  remittances  to  England  in  payment  of 
their  debts.  This  upset  business  conditions  in  the  mother  country 
and  made  the  exporters  and  manufacturers  there  demand  fair 
play  for  their  colonial  customers.  Not  at  all  so  commendable 
were  the  outbursts  of  violence  which  throughout  the  continental 
colonies  descended  upon  him  who  had  stamps  to  distribute,  and, 
in  some  cases,  upon  him  who  had  not.  The  most  unfortunate  of 
these  episodes  occurred  at  Boston  where  the  mansion  of  Governor 
Hutchinson  was  attacked  and  wrecked  by  a  mob. 

For  many  years  New  Hampshire's  "faithful  and  vigilant" 
agent  at  London  had  been  John  Thomlinson.  He  was  now  old 
and  infirm,  and  in  the  critical  juncture  of  state  affairs  the  provin- 
cial assembly  deemed  it  wise  to  appoint  a  more  active  man  as 
joint  agent  and  prospective  successor.  For  this  office  they  se- 
lected Barlow  Trecothick,  a  London  merchant  in  the  American 
trade,  who  was  also  an  alderman  of  the  metropolis  and  a  member 
of  Parliament.1  Besides  Trecothick  some  strictly  American  leaven 
was  added  to  the  agency  by  the  appointment  of  John  Wentworth, 
then  in  London.2  The  combination  of  the  British  merchant  and 
the  New  Hampshire  visitor  was  most  happy,  for  both  men  were 
close  friends  of  Lord  Rockingham,  and  it  was  not  unlikely  that 
when  the  Marquis  should  succeed  George  Grenville  as  prime 
minister,  Wentworth  and  Trecothick  could  bring  about  the  re- 
peal of  the  odious  Stamp  Act. 

In  the  summer  of  1765  the  Grenville  ministry  was  dismissed 
and  Rockingham  and  his  Whig  friends  took  its  place.  What  was 
to  be  their  policy  in  regard  to  America?  Men  rather  than  meas- 
ures were  the  Premier's  first  consideration,  and  there  was  no 
well-defined  solution  of  the  colonial  problem  in  the  minds  of  the 
members  of  his  cabinet.    Even  as  late  as  December,  1765,  they 

I.  Keppel's  Memoirs  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  i,  320. 
1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  92. 


ENGLAND  19 

had  failed  to  determine  upon  a  program,  but  before  then  Rocking- 
ham had  told  Wentworth  that  he  would  "give  his  interest  to  re- 
peal one  hundred  Stamp  Acts  before  he  would  run  the  risk  of  such 
confusions  as  would  be  caused  by  enforcing  it  and  that  he  knew 
there  were  already  ten  thousand  workmen  discharged  from  busi- 
ness in  consequence  of  the  advices  from  America."  l  Just  how 
directly  John  Wentworth  influenced  the  Marquis's  opinion  can- 
not be  estimated,  but  Edmund  Burke,  who  was  then  Rocking- 
ham's private  secretary,  has  made  it  evident  that  Trecothick  and 
Rockingham  were  hand  in  glove  at  this  time  and  that  the  former 
was  joint  composer  of  an  official  general  letter  which  was  "  the 
principal  instrument  in  the  happy  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act."  2 
This  being  the  case,  one  cannot  but  wonder  to  what  extent  the 
Alderman's  views  were  shaped  by  the  other  agent  for  New  Hamp- 
shire. Certain  it  is  that  Wentworth  worked  with  a  will  at  this 
time,  and  under  many  difficulties,  as  the  following  extract  from 
one  of  his  letters  testifies. 

It  is  impossible  to  judge  what  measures  will  be  taken  here  in  respect 
to  this  cursed  act.  This  is  certain,  —  the  ministry  are  favorably  dis- 
posed, and  I  believe  are  averse  to  military  execution  in  any  British  do- 
minion. Much  will  depend  on  the  result  of  the  congress  at  New  York. 
I  wish  it  may  be  firm,  decent,  loyal,  and  expressive;  if  possible  evading 
all  matter  of  right,  a  point  too  critically  dangerous  to  discuss,  and  lay- 
ing great  stress  upon  the  inability  of  America,  the  grievous  mode,  and 
the  cruel,  destructive  deprivation  of  the  admiralty  courts.  .  .  .  There 
will  be  great  opposition  to  the  repeal  of  this  odious  act.  Many  mem- 
bers of  Parliament,  who  were  closely  attached  to  Mr.  Grenville  and 
voted  for  it,  will  adhere  to  the  rectitude  of  the  measure.  I  have  con- 
versed with  some  of  them  upon  the  subject  and  find  them  very  warm 
against  us,  alleging  the  necessity  of  enforcing  it,  as  the  colonists  have 
so  violently  refused  submission  to  it,  and  not  only  avowed  independ- 
ence but  also  broke  loose  from  all  law  and  government,  outrageously 

1.  John  Adams's  Works,  ii,  175. 

2.  Keppel's  Memoirs  of  Rockingham,  i,  319. 


20  ENGLAND 

insulting  the  chief  magistrate,  destroying  his  property  and  endanger- 
ing his  person. 

These  and  a  hundred  such  arguments  I  daily  combat,  opposing  rea- 
son and  unalienable  right  to  some;  to  others  I  offer  the  example  of 
England,  nay  of  her  patriotic  (as  they  say)  metropolis,  which  fre- 
quently breaks  out  to  excess  upon  any  grievance,  though  represented 
in  the  legislation  and  so  near  the  throne  with  every  advantage  to  ob- 
tain redress.  However,  I  can't  help  regretting  such  illegal  conduct, 
particularly  as  it  may  prevent  many  good  things  being  done  for  us, 
that  were  intended,  and  will  render  even  just  relief  more  difficult  to 
be  obtained,  —  not  to  say  anything  of  the  fatal  consequences  (which 
more  affect  every  man  who  has  life  or  property  to  be  protected)  that 
attend  an  entire  subversion  of  government. 

You  will  not  think  I  approve  the  act,  or  that  the  Americans  are 
totally  wrong  in  their  discontent.  No,  sir;  I  join  with  them.  I  have 
hitherto  and  to  this  minute  do  say  everything  against  it,  and  openly 
commend  all  prudent  measures  to  reverse  it.1 

Friends  of  liberty  on  both  sides  of  the  water  looked  forward 
eagerly  to  the  opening  of  Parliament.  This  occurred  in  January, 
1766,  and  after  much  debate,  in  which  Pitt,  Burke,  and  Dr. 
Franklin  increased  their  reputations,  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act 
was  achieved. 

Whether  or  not  John  Wentworth  deserves  any  credit  for 
changing  the  course  of  imperial  legislation,  his  presence  in  Lon- 
don at  just  this  time  was  in  another  way  most  advantageous  to 
himself,  to  his  Uncle  Benning,  and  ultimately  to  the  people  of  his 
province.  In  spite  of  many  good  qualities,  Benning  Wentworth 
had  proved  himself  far  from  ideal  as  governor  of  New  Hampshire, 
and  plenty  of  his  constituents  were  eager  to  oust  him  from  his 
chair.  Jealousy  was  doubtless  the  chief  source  of  their  hostility, 
but  the  executive  laid  himself  open  to  legitimate  complaint  in  a 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Daniel 7J;Wg?,  November  29, 1765;  in  the  "Masonian 
Papers,"  vol.  iii  ("Peirce  Manuscripts"),  folio  36.  These  are  preserved  in  the 
state  archives  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire. 


ENGLAND  21 

number  of  ways.  His  method  of  granting  townships  was  perhaps 
the  most  objectionable  of  his  practices,  and  also  the  most  remun- 
erative to  himself.  During  his  administration  he  distributed  two 
hundred  tracts  of  land  of  generous  proportions  to  various  groups 
of  persons,  and  in  each  case  reserved  for  himself  a  personally  se- 
lected lot  of  five  hundred  acres.1  This  meant  that  in  less  than 
twenty  years  Benning  Wentworth  acquired  about  one  hundred 
thousand  acres  of  New  Hampshire  territory  which  cost  him  not  a 
penny  and  were  scattered  over  the  province  in  such  a  manner  that 
he  could  not  fail  to  become  rich  regardless  of  the  direction  in 
which  growth  and  development  might  turn.  This  was  bad 
enough  from  an  ethical  point  of  view,  but  it  does  not  tell  the 
whole  story  of  Benning's  iniquity,  for  every  land  grant  meant  a 
fee  to  the  governor,  and  the  more  prosperous  the  applicant  the 
fatter  the  perquisite.  Under  the  circumstances,  Wentworth 
easily  persuaded  himself  that  the  good  of  the  province  was  pro- 
moted by  granting  townships  to  obviously  successful  men  whether 
they  came  from  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts,  or  Connecticut, 
—  but  disappointed  aspirants  within  his  own  province  were  not  so 
readily  convinced.  To  them  it  looked  as  if  the  new  townships 
went  to  the  highest  bidder,  as  no  doubt  they  did,  and  the  fact  that 
the  Governor  who  had  been  a  bankrupt  merchant  in  1740 2  was  a 
capitalist  in  1760  did  not  alter  their  conviction. 

These  malcontents,  combining  with  other  enemies  of  the  ad- 
ministration, would  have  inevitably  made  themselves  heard  in 
England  before  a  great  while,  but  Nemesis  gave  their  cause  tre- 
mendous impetus  when  she  decreed  that  the  very  avidity  of 
which  they  complained  should  bring  trouble  to  the  Governor 
from  a  different  angle.  As  early  as  1749  Benning  Wentworth  be- 
gan to  grant  land  beyond  the  Connecticut  River,  territory  over 

1.  New  Hampshire  Stale  Papers,  xxiv,  xxv,  and  xxvi. 

2.  Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  n,  182. 


22  ENGLAND 

which  he  had  no  jurisdiction.  The  historic  Vermont  town  which 
bears  his  Christian  name  was  one  of  the  first  of  these  unwarranted 
creations,  and  soon  evoked  from  the  governor  of  New  York  a 
polite  statement  that  this  domain  was  at  his  disposal  and  not  at 
that  of  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire.  Wentworth  replied 
that  the  original  grant  to  the  Duke  of  York  might  seem  to  give 
that  impression,  but  since  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut  had 
been  allowed  to  extend  their  limits  several  miles  westward  from 
the  river  he  supposed  New  Hampshire  might  expect  the  same 
privilege.  Although  Governor  Clinton  declined  to  accept  his  col- 
league's pretensions  at  their  face  value,  he  was  most  accommodat- 
ing and  agreed  to  leave  the  matter  to  the  determination  of  the 
King.  Wentworth  concurred,  and  sheaves  of  arguments  and 
counter-arguments  were  sent  across  the  ocean  to  influence  the 
King  in  Council.1  One  would  think  that  until  the  controversy 
was  settled  discretion  and  courtesy  would  have  prevented  Went- 
worth's  granting  any  more  of  the  disputed  territory,  but  these 
considerations  worried  him  not  at  all.  He  continued  to  parcel  it 
out  right  and  left  as  if  a  decision  in  favor  of  his  province  were  a 
certainty.2 

In  England  the  case  dragged  along  for  a  few  years  and  was  then 
lost  from  view  in  the  more  urgent  business  of  the  Seven  Years' 
War.  The  conquest  of  Canada  in  1760  was  followed  by  a  scramble 
for  land  in  Vermont  and  New  Hampshire,  which  was  a  most  at- 
tractive proposition  now  that  the  country  to  the  northward  was 
no  longer  controlled  by  dangerous  enemies.  The  movement 
reached  its  height  in  1761  when  Benning  Wentworth's  coffers 
chinked  to  the  tune  of  well-nigh  eighty  new  townships,  sixty- 
eight  of  which  were  situated  in  the  contested  area.  This  was  too 

1.  O'Callaghan's  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  iv,  531—575. 

2.  W.  H.  Fry's  New  Hampshire  as  a  Royal  Province,  p.  268. 


ENGLAND  23 

much  for  the  governor  of  New  York,  who  reported  these  "most 
surprising  and  extravagant  encroachments"  in  such  virulent 
terms  that  the  dormant  Board  of  Trade  actually  awoke  to  the 
situation.  The  matter  was  brought  to  the  King's  attention  and 
in  the  summer  of  1764  an  Order  in  Council  set  a  limit  to  New 
Hampshire  at  the  west  bank  of  the  Connecticut  River. 

The  dismissal  or  resignation  of  Benning  Wentworth  ought  to 
have  followed  in  short  order,  but  the  great  question  of  colonial 
taxation  obscured  all  lesser  turmoils  at  this  time,  and  the  in- 
iquities of  the  gouty  Governor  were  temporarily  passed  over. 
About  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  however,  the  old  complaints, 
reenforced  by  fresh  grievances,  determined  his  downfall.1  Seeing 
the  ax  about  to  fall,  John  Wentworth  hurried  to  the  rescue  and 
made  doubly  good  use  of  his  friendship  with  the  Marquis  of 
Rockingham  who  was  still  at  the  head  of  the  ministry.  "I  wrote 
a  hasty  explanation  and  defence  of  the  good  old  gentleman  for  the 
information  of  my  noble  friend  and  patron,  through  whom  I  pre- 
vailed to  obtain  time  for  him  to  resign,  which  saved  all  the  dis- 
grace which  might  have  attended  his  removal,  especially  as  it 
appeared  in  favor  of  his  nephew."  2  So  wrote  John  Wentworth  in 
after  years,  and  there  is  no  reason  for  doubting  his  statement  of 
the  case.   It  came  about,  therefore,  that  Benning  Wentworth,  in- 

1 .  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council,  Colonial  Series,  iv,  673-680;  also  Belknap's 
New  Hampshire,  ii,  337. 

2.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  498.  John 
Wentworth  gave  Dr.  Jeremy  Belknap,  the  historian  of  New  Hampshire,  a 
copy  of  the  "hasty  defence  and  explanation,"  but  stipulated,  "This  memoir, 
being  confidential,  must  not  be  published,  though  you  can  gather  from  it 
what  may  be  necessary."  The  trust  was  not  betrayed,  but  since  Belknap's 
death  the  paper  has  been  brought  to  light  and  printed  in  full.  See  New 
Hampshire  State  Papers,  xviii,  560-567.  From  this  and  other  sources  it  appears 
that  some  of  the  government's  displeasure  at  least  was  due  to  Benning  Went- 
worth's  careless  administration  as  surveyor  general  of  his  Majesty's  woods. 


24  ENGLAND 

stead  of  receiving  the  censure  and  dismissal  which  he  had  earned, 
was  allowed  to  resign,  and  his  nephew,  who  was  not  quite  thirty 
years  of  age,  fell  heir  to  his  office.  The  new  governor's  commis- 
sion was  issued  early  in  August,  1766,  and  was  accompanied  by 
other  letters  patent  which  gave  him  admiralty  jurisdiction  over 
waters  adjacent  to  the  scanty  seaboard  of  New  Hampshire,1  and 
added  to  his  trust  the  more  arduous  duties  of  surveyor  general  of 
his  Majesty's  woods  in  America.  The  former  was  a  logical  exten- 
sion of  the  executive's  bailiwick,  the  latter  a  separate  function 
which  had  been  and  still  might  be  a  sinecure,  but  in  the  hands  of 
John  Wentworth  it  was  to  be  a  serious  duty  intelligently  and 
vigorously  executed. 

It  was  now  time  for  Wentworth  to  return  to  his  native  province, 
but  before  he  departed  additional  honors  of  an  entirely  different 
character  were  conferred  upon  him.  On  the  twelfth  day  of  Au- 
gust, 1766,  he  was  given  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Common  Law 
by  Oxford  University,2  the  latest  of  a  series  of  academic  recog- 
nitions which  were  marshaled  after  his  name.  Besides  his 
bachelor's  degree  at  Harvard,  Wentworth  had  taken  its  custom- 
ary aftermath,  an  A.M.  three  years  later;  in  1763  Nassau 
(Princeton)  gave  him  his  first  honorary  degree  of  master  of  arts, 
which  was  followed  a  year  later  by  an  LL.D.  from  the  great 
Scottish  institution  at  Aberdeen.  To  this  cluster  of  titles  Oxford 
now  added  another,  in  recognition  more  of  the  man's  personality 
and  elevation  than  of  any  great  mental  achievement  which  his 
record  could  show.  Nevertheless,  that  fact  did  not  prevent  his 
being  described  as  excellentissimus  et  honorabilis  vir,  Joannes 
Wentworth,  armiger  Novae  Hantoniae  apud  Americanos,  pro- 
vinciae  gubernator  et  capitaneus  genera/is,  —  all  of  which  was  un- 

1.  Copies  of  Commissions,  1747-1828  (Ms.),  in  the  state  archives  at  Con- 
cord, New  Hampshire. 

2.  Alumni  Oxonienses,  1715-1886. 


ENGLAND  25 

deniable,  but  perhaps  hardly  sufficient  ground  for  an  honorary 
degree  from  a  great  university  according  to  our  present  standards. 
Well  laden  with  honors  and  offices,  Wentworth  now  turned  his 
eyes  westward  and  prepared  for  his  return  to  America.  In  antici- 
pation of  this  event  he  had  bought  a  number  of  fine  English 
horses  and  had  engaged  a  retinue  of  servants.  Much  as  he  may 
have  wished  to  sail  directly  to  New  Hampshire,  duty  required 
his  presence  in  the  southern  provinces  for  his  commission  as  sur- 
veyor general  of  his  Majesty's  woods  stipulated  that  he  should 
not  only  preserve  the  white  pines  of  the  North,  but  also  encourage 
the  production  of  tar  and  hemp  in  the  South.  Consequently,  he 
decided  to  go  home  by  the  way  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 
This  detour  would  enable  him  to  observe  the  condition  of  these 
industries  in  the  Carolinas  and  Virginia  and  to  make  a  general 
survey  of  the  timber  in  those  remote  parts.  His  many  friends  sup- 
plied him  with  wine  and  other  delicacies  which  might  relieve  the 
hardships  of  the  long  voyage  —  for  the  Governor  was  a  poor 
sailor  —  and  when  all  was  ready  the  ship  started  on  its  zigzag 
way  to  America.  Like  most  vessels  in  that  day  it  chose  the  ex- 
treme southern  route,  calling  first  at  Lisbon,  and  thence  making 
its  "long  and  hazardous  passage"  across  the  Atlantic  by  the  way 
of  the  Canary  Islands.  From  beginning  to  end  it  was  a  stormy 
and  tedious  trip.  For  two  days  the  ship  lay  off  Lisbon,  but  the 
winds  were  so  violent  as  to  prevent  a  landing.  Thence  she  plowed 
her  way  to  Teneriffe  and  at  length  in  sixty  days  more  to  the  wel- 
come port  of  Charleston.  Probably  few  mortals  have  been  more 
cheered  by  the  sight  of  the  American  shore  than  was  John  Went- 
worth on  the  twenty-second  day  of  March,  1767.  For  four  days 
thereafter  he  rested  and  rejoiced  in  that  undulating  terra  firma 
which  only  landlubbers  can  fully  appreciate.  Then  with  eager 
interest  he  started  inland  to  study  the  timber  in  various  parts  of 
the  province. 


26  ENGLAND 

No  previous  surveyor  general  of  the  King's  woods  had  made  a 
thorough  and  intelligent  investigation  of  the  forests  or  a  careful 
appraisal  of  their  assets.  Wentworth's  report  is  interesting  and 
gives  one  a  vision  of  the  glory  of  the  pine  barrens  of  North  Caro- 
lina when  they  were  a  magnificent  forest  primeval.  He  found  no 
white  pines, — but  yellow  pines,  tall  and  straight,  "carrying  their 
proportionate  size  to  a  sufficient  length  for  25-inch  masts."  There 
were  also  pitch  pines,  live  oaks,  and  white  oaks  in  immense  quan- 
tities adjacent  to  all  the  Carolina  rivers.  The  wood  of  the  long- 
leafed  pine  he  declared  to  be  sound,  "  but  not  clear  of  hard  knots," 
whereas  the  pitch  pines  could  be  made  into  as  good  masts  as 
those  imported  from  Riga.  Indeed,  Wentworth  thought  that  in 
weight,  solidity,  and  elasticity  they  excelled  those  from  Russia. 
Southern  white  oak,  however,  he  deemed  inferior  to  that  in  the 
North,  "being  porous  and  full  of  juices  that  soon  destroy  the 
wood."  All  these  observations  are  refreshing,  because  they  show 
that  at  last  the  care  of  England's  naval  resources  had  been  en- 
trusted to  an  intelligent  and  interested  guardian.  One  cannot 
but  wish  that  those  great  tracts  of  Georgia  pine  might  have  been 
conserved,  for  bleeding  and  burning  have  wiped  them  off  the 
sandy  uplands  of  the  South,  and  naught  remains  but  a  vestige  of 
their  splendor.  Picturesqueness  has  taken  the  place  of  grandeur, 
to  be  sure,  but  the  great  charred  stumps  that  are  scattered 
through  the  wilderness  make  one  long  for  a  view  of  the  country  as 
John  Wentworth  saw  it. 

The  Governor  believed  in  combining  business  with  pleasure, 
and  did  so  with  marked  success  throughout  his  life.  Therefore,  it 
is  not  surprising  that  his  northward  journey  was  pleasantly  inter- 
rupted by  visits  at  the  homes  of  the  colonial  aristocracy.  The 
bluest  of  Virginia  blood  flowed  in  the  veins  of  the  Byrd  family, 
and  none  prided  himself  more  upon  his  quality  than  the  monarch 
of  Westover.  This  was  William  Byrd,  the  third  of  that  name  in 


ENGLAND  27 

America.  His  grandfather  was  a  remarkable  man  who  possessed 
a  genius  for  making  money;  his  father  was  a  gentleman  and  a 
scholar  under  whose  management  the  great  plantation  on  the 
James  came  to  be  known  far  and  wide  for  its  elegance,  its  hospi- 
tality, and  its  good  company.  William  Byrd  III  was  destined  to 
personify  the  decay  of  family  and  property  which  often  comes 
with  the  third  generation,  but  in  1767  he  could  hold  his  own  with 
the  first  of  the  first  families.1  Westover,  according  to  the  Marquis 
de  Chastellux,  surpassed  all  the  other  seats  along  the  river  "in 
the  magnificence  of  the  buildings,  the  beauty  of  its  situation,  and 
the  pleasures  of  society."  2  The  last  of  its  distinctive  qualities  was 
due  largely  to  the  charming  personality  of  Mrs.  Byrd,  a  daughter 
of  Charles  Willing  of  Philadelphia,  but  William  Byrd  himself  was 
a  delightful  host  and  a  man  after  Wentworth's  own  heart.  He 
liked  horses  much,  and  cards  too  much,  both  of  which  tastes  were 
shared  by  this  guest  who  seems  to  have  thoroughly  enjoyed  his 
migratory  visit.  Another  stopping-place  in  his  progress  through 
Virginia  was  Chatsworth,  the  home  of  Colonel  Peter  Ran- 
dolph. Like  most  tide-water  Virginians  of  his  day,  the  Colonel 
bred  blooded  horses,  and  Wentworth,  to  whom  the  question  of 
expense  seems  never  to  have  been  troublesome,  purchased  two 
pairs  of  his  thoroughbreds  to  add  to  those  which  he  had  brought 
with  him  from  England. 

Crossing  the  Potomac,  the  Governor  came  to  Annapolis,  the 
capital  of  provincial  Maryland,  where  he  lodged  with  Governor 
Sharpe.  Thence  the  road  led  him  to  Philadelphia,  to  "Trent- 
town  Falls,"  and  to  New  York.  Near  the  last  town  he  visited  the 
William  Bayards  who  owned  most  of  the  island  of  Weehawken.8 
This  was  in  the  month  of  June  and  Wentworth  was  naturally  en- 

1.  J.  S.  Bassett's  Writings  of  Colonel  William  Byrd. 

1.  Chastellux's  Travels  in  North  America,  ii,  162-163. 

3.  New  York  Genealogical  and  Biographical  Record,  xvi,  53. 


28  ENGLAND 

tranced  with  "  the  pleasant  views  over  to  Hoebuck  "  [Hoboken], 
with  "the  varied  improvements  of  Mrs.  Bayard's  paradise,"  and 
last,  but  not  least,  with  the  music  of  Miss  Bayard's  voice  and 
harpsichord.1  It  is  an  interesting  fact,  but  not  strange,  that  each 
and  every  one  of  the  families  who  entertained  Wentworth  chose 
the  Loyalist  side  in  the  approaching  revolution,  and  were  in  most 
cases  banished  from  their  homes  and  hearthstones  almost  within 
a  decade.  Such,  too,  was  to  be  the  fate  of  their  guest,  but  in  1767 
the  colonial  aristocracy  ate,  drank,  and  were  merry,  little  realiz- 
ing that  they  were  dancing  on  the  summit  of  a  smouldering 
volcano. 

Three  days  by  water  brought  the  traveler  to  Boston,  where  he 
renewed  old  acquaintances  and  then  started  on  the  last  lap  of  his 
circuitous  journey  from  London  to  Portsmouth.  In  the  mean- 
time great  preparations  for  his  welcome  were  being  made  at  the 
New  Hampshire  capital.  To  receive  his  Excellency,  the  Assembly 
appointed  a  committee  which  performed  its  task  at  the  expense 
of  more  than  JE175.2  Accompanied  by  several  members  of  the 
Council,  and  escorted  by  two  troops  of  horse,  this  delegation 
greeted  him  at  the  boundary  line  of  the  province,  three  miles 
north  of  Newburyport,  and  conducted  him  over  the  familiar 
highway  to  Portsmouth.  All  along  the  way  the  procession  was 
augmented  by  prominent  gentlemen  who  had  driven  in  from  the 
surrounding  towns  until  the  cavalcade  exceeded  anything  of  its 
kind  since  the  days  of  Lord  Bellomont.    At  the  head  of  King 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  William  Bayard,  July  3,  1767. 

All  references  given  in  this  manner  indicate  that  a  copy  of  the  original 
letter  is  in  the  state  archives  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire.  The  original 
letter-books  are  at  Halifax,  Nova  Scotia,  but  the  State  of  New  Hampshire 
has  transcripts  of  the  three  volumes  containing  Wentworth's  correspondence 
from  1767  to  1778. 

2.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  163. 


ENGLAND  29 

Street,  "the  regiment  of  militia  and  the  independent  company  of 
engine-men,  under  arms,  opened  to  right  and  left,  the  officers  of 
which  pay'd  the  military  compliment  to  his  Excellency  as  he 
passed  by  them."1  Arriving  at  the  court-house  about  noon,  Went- 
worth  alighted  and  entered  the  council-chamber  where  his  official 
advisers  and  other  magistrates  attended  him.  Only  one  dignitary 
was  missing,  and  that  one  was  the  deposed  governor,  Benning 
Wentworth.  His  absence,  however,  was  due  not  to  any  grievance 
against  his  nephew,  but  to  failing  health  which  had  confined  him 
to  his  mansion  at  Little  Harbor  for  the  past  three  years  or  more.2 

Besides  the  militia  and  the  rest  of  the  procession  a  great  crowd 
of  civilians  had  gathered  in  the  open  square  to  see  and  hear  what 
they  could.  They  had  not  long  to  wait  before  the  sheriff  arose  and 
read  aloud  the  Governor's  commissions  as  captain-general,  chief 
executive,  and  vice-admiral  of  the  province  of  New  Hampshire. 
Then  John  Wentworth  took  the  oath  of  office,  as  did  likewise  the 
members  of  his  Council.  This  was  followed  by  the  reading  of  a 
proclamation  empowering  the  magistrates  to  exercise  the  duties 
of  their  offices  and  charging  them  to  carry  their  powers  into  exe- 
cution. These  ceremonies  being  completed,  the  cannon  at  Fort 
William  and  Mary  boomed,  the  militia  fired  three  volleys  of  small 
arms,  and  the  populace  gave  three  cheers  for  his  Excellency,  all  of 
which  combined  to  create  the  greatest  exhilaration  that  Ports- 
mouth had  known  in  many  a  long  year. 

The  reception  committee  did  nothing  by  halves.  After  the 
more  formal  part  of  the  program  was  over,  Wentworth  and  his 
Council  and  all  the  leading  gentlemen  of  the  capital  and  its  vicin- 
ity were  conducted  to  a  public  banquet.  Finally,  in  the  late  after- 
noon, "another  procession  on  foot  was  formed,  and  waited  upon 


1.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  June  19,  1767. 

2.  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society's  Collections,  iii,  282-283. 


30  ENGLAND 

his  Excellency  to  his  seat,  where  they  took  leave,  and  left  him  to 
receive  if  possible  a  more  endearing  reception  from  his  affection- 
ate family,  who  had  long  expected  the  happy  event."  '  Such  was 
the  inauguration  of  John  Wentworth  on  Saturday,  the  thirteenth 
day  of  June  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  seventeen  hundred  sixty- 
seven.  Who  would  have  dared  to  predict  that  it  ushered  in  the 
stormiest  administration  in  the  history  of  the  province  of  New 
Hampshire? 

i.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  June  19,  1767. 


CHAPTER 

THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

/IT  the  time  of  John  Wentworth's  accession,  New  Hampshire 
J.  jL  was  a  rapidly  growing  province,  containing  approximately 
fifty  thousand  people.1  Six  years  later  its  population  had  in- 
creased by  almost  forty  per  cent,  and  in  1775  more  than  eighty 
thousand  men,  women,  and  children  were  living  within  its  bound- 
aries. These  figures  are  probably  accurate  enough,  although  the 
Governor  complained  that  the  count  for  1767  was  at  least  two 
thousand  short.  Strange  as  it  may  seem,  this  error  was  due  not 
to  carelessness  but  to  prudence.  The  people  remembered  the  fate 
of  Israel  when  David  had  attempted  to  count  his  subjects,  and 
wishing  to  avoid  a  similar  visitation  of  divine  wrath  declined  to 
return  a  true  census.2 

Whatever  the  exact  number  of  its  inhabitants  may  have  been, 
New  Hampshire  was  a  thriving  and  attractive  community,  and 
Wentworth  was  fortunate  in  coming  into  office  on  the  tide  of 
prosperity  which  followed  the  Peace  of  Paris  and  continued  to 
rise  until  the  beginning  of  the  American  Revolution.  Neverthe- 
less, the  task  of  governing  this  expanding  colony  and  of  provid- 
ing for  its  needs  as  they  arose  was  not  easy  because  of  the  intense 
sectionalism  prevailing  in  the  different  regions  of  the  province. 

Like  ancient  Gaul,  New  Hampshire  was  divided  into  three  dis- 
tinct parts,  —  the  Northeast,  the  South,  and  the  West.  Each  had 

1 .  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  1 70;  x,  636.  Belknap's  New  Hampshire, 
iii,  234. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  March  25,  1768.  The  biblical 
reference  is  to  I  Chronicles,  xxi. 


32     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

its  own  prejudices,  manner  of  thought,  and  economic  interests. 
The  first  division  comprised  the  town  of  Portsmouth  and  its  im- 
mediate environs.  For  generations  the  inhabitants  of  this  district 
had  been  accustomed  to  contact  with  crown  officers,  and  thought 
constantly  of  their  connection  with  his  Majesty's  government. 
They  had  never  had  a  charter,  and  therefore  had  never  tasted  the 
joys  of  comparative  independence.  Whether  rich  or  poor,  most 
of  these  people  were  essentially  aristocrats,  prided  themselves 
upon  their  intimacy  with  the  office-holding  class,  and  enjoyed 
thoroughly  the  reproduction  of  English  social  stratification  which 
existed  in  their  midst. 

The  second  district  coincided  roughly  with  the  Merrimac 
Valley,  which  had  been  settled  for  the  most  part  by  emigrants 
from  Massachusetts,  who  brought  with  them  and  transmitted  to 
their  descendants  the  republican  principles  of  the  Bay  Colony. 
These  people  believed  in  a  well-regulated  state,  but  not  at  all  in 
indiscriminate  emulation  of  the  social  institutions  of  the  mother 
country.  Their  trade  was  largely  with  Massachusetts  people  and 
their  metropolis  was  Boston.  All  in  all,  they  formed  the  strongest 
and  least  interesting  part  of  the  population. 

The  third  division  included  the  western  frontier  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, which  was  populated  chiefly  by  men  who  had  migrated  up 
stream  from  Connecticut.  Throughout  the  colonial  period  Con- 
necticut did  exactly  as  she  pleased  because  she  was  blessed  with  a 
most  liberal  charter,  and  her  children  continued  to  do  so  even 
when  they  moved  into  the  jurisdiction  of  a  royal  province.  They 
were  arch-democrats  and  very  naturally  looked  with  scorn  upon 
the  citizens  of  the  maritime  parts  and  upon  their  royalist  pro- 
clivities.1 On  the  whole,  the  three  parts  of  New  Hampshire  had 
little  in  common,  and  tactful  indeed  must  be  the  executive  who 
could  guide  legislation  so  that  it  would  contribute  to  the  good  of 

i .  Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  iii,  253-255. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE      33 

the  entire  province  without  giving  offense  to  one  or  more  of  these 
jealous  sections. 

Agriculture  and  commerce  were  the  chief  pursuits  of  the  men 
of  New  Hampshire,  but  manufacturing,  handicapped  as  it  was  by 
lack  of  capital  and  by  parliamentary  hostility,  was  beginning  to 
get  a  foothold.  The  chief  artificial  product  in  1767  was  linen, 
made  from  flax  raised  in  the  province.  Selling  at  iod  per  yard,  it 
was  dearer  than  the  imported  article,  but  stronger  and  better,  and 
at  this  time  about  twenty-five  thousand  yards  were  produced 
each  year.  Since  flax  is  perhaps  the  last  crop  which  one  would  ex- 
pect to  harvest  in  New  Hampshire  today,  an  explanation  of  this 
phenomenon  will  not  be  out  of  place,  especially  since  it  will  bring 
into  view  yet  another  element  in  the  diversified  population  of 
New  Hampshire.  About  1720  a  colony  of  vigorous,  freedom- 
loving  Scotch-Irish  had  settled  in  the  Merrimac  Valley.  They 
brought  with  them  their  old  habits  of  life  and  their  old  industries, 
among  which  were  the  culture  of  flax  and  the  manufacture  of 
linen.  For  the  latter  they  imported  the  familiar  foot-turned 
spinning  wheels,  hand-cards,  and  looms,  and  soon  established  an 
enviable  reputation  for  their  fabrics.  These  commanded  both  a 
more  ready  sale  and  a  higher  price  than  those  produced  elsewhere, 
and  became  a  matter  of  such  pride  in  the  community  that  town 
officials  were  appointed  to  seal  all  genuine  goods.1  The  settle- 
ment was  named  Londonderry  in  honor  of  the  city  in  the  north 
of  Ireland  whence  most  of  its  inhabitants  had  come.  Being 
Scotch  Presbyterians  of  the  deepest  dye,  who  had  left  their  Hi- 
bernian neighbors  in  the  Old  World  because  they  wished  "to 
withdraw  from  the  communion  of  idolators,"  they  naturally  re- 
sented beyond  words  the  unfortunate  manner  in  which  the  older 
settlers  referred  to  them  as  "Irish  people"  and  treated  them  ac- 
cordingly. For  a  long  time  our  English  ancestors  in  New  Hamp- 

1.  Edward  L.  Parker's  History  of  Londonderry,  N.  H.,  p.  50. 


34     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

shire  failed  to  distinguish  between  Scotch-Irish  and  the  Irish- 
Irish,  but  happily  the  thrift,  industry,  and  prosperity  of  the  com- 
munity at  Londonderry  ultimately  overcame  the  prejudice  which 
ignorance  had  instituted  against  it.1 

The  production  of  flax  meant  also  the  manufacture  of  linseed 
oil  and  a  surplus  of  flaxseed  which  could  be  exported  with  profit. 
Saddles  and  shoes  were  made  in  sufficient  quantities  to  meet  do- 
mestic needs,  and  a  modicum  of  iron  was  wrought  for  shipbuild- 
ing and  agricultural  implements.  On  the  other  hand,  the  manu- 
facture of  woolen  goods  hardly  existed.  Farmers  kept  only  enough 
sheep  to  supply  their  households  with  wool,  which  was  spun  and 
woven  at  home.  Whatever  fears  members  of  Parliament  enter- 
tained concerning  the  establishment  of  dangerous  rival  industries 
in  America  were  groundless  as  far  as  this  province  was  concerned. 
In  fact,  the  difficulty  lay  in  persuading  a  colonist  to  follow  any 
trade,  for  as  soon  as  a  shoemaker,  a  joiner,  or  a  silversmith  saved 
enough  money  to  buy  a  little  tract  of  land  and  build  a  hut  in  the 
wilderness,  he  laid  down  his  tools  and  led  the  virile  life  of  a  back- 
woodsman.2 Under  normal  conditions,  therefore,  any  schemes  for 
manufacturing  were  sure  to  be  short-lived,  regardless  of  either 
New  Hampshire's  needs  or  England's  anxiety. 

The  capital  of  the  province  was  Portsmouth,  a  town  containing 
a  practically  stationary  population  of  about  forty-five  hundred 
souls.  Of  this  number,  approximately  one  hundred  seventy-five 
were  negro  slaves.3  These  black  people  constituted  the  house- 
hold servant  class,  which  maintained  the  pomp  and  show  of  the 
well-born,  and  gloried  in  their  menial  association  with  wealth  and 
aristocracy.   But  slaves,  even  as  domestic  retainers,  were  fast  be- 

1.  Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  ii,  41,  note. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Board  0/  Trade,  March  25,  1768. 

3.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  168,  765.  For  a  diverting  account  of 
black  society  in  Portsmouth,  see  Brewster's  Rambles,  pp.  208-211. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE     35 

coming  uneconomic,  and  as  they  died  off  their  places  were  taken 
by  free  white  labor.  Portsmouth's  wealth  had  been  acquired  in 
commerce  and  in  office-holding,  and  it  was  reflected  in  stately 
mansions.  Almost  without  exception,  these  buildings  were  of 
wood,  but  they  were  none  the  less  beautiful  on  that  account,  for 
the  artisans  of  that  day  were  architects  as  well,  and  their  genius 
found  expression  in  doorways  of  exquisite  design,  in  chastely  or- 
namented mouldings,  and  in  mantel-pieces  of  perfect  proportions 
and  charming  detail.  Not  all  the  residences  were  pretentious,  but 
each  had  an  air  of  conscious  gentility  which  was  in  keeping  with 
the  spirit  of  Portsmouth  society.  The  new  governor  was  to  the 
manner  born  as  far  as  the  provincial  capital  was  concerned,  but 
could  he  understand  also  the  aspirations  of  the  men  in  the  south- 
ern and  western  parts  of  New  Hampshire?  His  deeds  in  the  next 
eight  years  can  best  answer  the  question. 

John  Wentworth's  administration,  like  that  of  every  other 
colonial  governor,  contained  the  usual  chronic  bicker  over  salary, 
the  universal  attempt  to  place  the  local  currency  upon  a  satis- 
factory basis,  and  other  perennial  questions  which  bore  the 
modern  reader  as  much  as  they  annoyed  the  provincial  executive. 
But  above  this  sea  of  petty  controversy  rise  four  constructive 
policies,  the  adoption  of  which  may  be  rightly  attributed  to  the 
zeal  and  foresight  of  Wentworth.  These  were  the  division  of  the 
province  into  counties,  the  improvement  of  land  transportation, 
the  surveying  of  New  Hampshire,  and  military  preparedness.  In 
the  first  three  of  these  fields  he  created  enduring  monuments;  in 
the  last  his  efforts  produced  results  quite  different  from  those  he 
intended. 

Owing  to  the  rapid  expansion  of  the  province,  the  people  of 
New  Hampshire  could  no  longer  be  served  conveniently  by  a  sole 
fountain  of  justice  located  at  Portsmouth.1   In  fact,  a  frontiers- 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  130. 


36      THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

man  sometimes  found  that  the  expense  of  traveling  to  and  from 
the  shores  of  the  Piscataqua  made  it  cost  £10  to  collect  a  debt  of 
£5.'  This  was  unprofitable,  to  say  the  least.  To  make  matters 
worse,  the  judicial  offices  and  their  emoluments  were  monopolized 
by  the  aristocracy  residing  in  and  about  Portsmouth.  Naturally 
this  order  of  things  did  not  please  the  new  settlers  in  the  Winni- 
pesaukee  region,  nor  those  along  the  lower  courses  of  the  Merri- 
mac,and  least  of  all  the  remote  radicals  in  the  Connecticut  Valley. 
The  first  Assembly  which  met  under  Governor  John  Wentworth 
voted  to  remedy  the  evil  by  dividing  the  province  into  four  ad- 
ministrative units,  —  four  counties,  each  with  its  own  courts  and 
appropriate  officers.  The  Council,  however,  chose  to  regard  this 
as  a  very  inexpedient  departure  from  precedent  and  one  which 
would  be  "attended  with  very  great  expence  and  a  very  heavy 
and  unnecessary  burthen  on  the  people."  This  has  a  fatherly 
and  benevolent  sound,  but  one  should  remember  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Council  were  not  elected  by  the  people  and  that,  al- 
most without  exception,  they  dwelt  within  ten  miles  of  the  me- 
tropolis. Many  of  them  held  judicial  or  semi-judicial  offices,  and, 
all  in  all,  they  formed  a  compact  conservative  body,  which  much 
preferred  to  have  all  governmental  business  transacted  under  its 
eye.  Therefore,  they  reduced  the  proposed  number  of  counties  to 
two,  and  agreed  to  the  arrangement  with  political  grace  worthy 
of  the  Tudors. 

This  did  not  satisfy  the  lower  house,  however,  and  after  a 
number  of  futile  attempts  at  a  compromise  the  Assembly  was 
dissolved  by  the  Governor.  The  situation  demanded  a  tactful 
leader  who  could  devise  an  arrangement  satisfactory  to  both 
parties  without  involving  a  vital  concession  by  either.  For  John 
Wentworth  it  was  a  political  opportunity,  and  he  made  the  most 
of  it.   Although  one  would  have  expected  him  to  choose  the  side  of 

I.  "John  Wentworth  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  March  25,  1768. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE      37 

his  uncles  and  his  cousins  in  the  Council,  to  whom  he  was  bound 
by  ties  both  of  kinship  and  of  class,  he  did  not  do  so.  Neither  did 
he  comply  absolutely  with  the  wishes  of  the  representatives  of  the 
people,  but  by  taking  an  independent  course  he  contrived  a 
scheme  that  was  better  than  any  heretofore  suggested  and  met 
with  the  favor  of  both  parties.  The  province  should  be  divided 
into  Jive  counties,  three  fully  organized  and  two  to  receive  judicial 
and  administrative  privileges  when  their  development  should 
warrant  such  action.1  This  was  a  masterpiece  of  diplomacy.  The 
Assembly  was  overjoyed  at  the  prospect  of  more  counties  than 
they  had  asked  for,  while  the  fears  of  the  conservative  Council 
were  assuaged  by  the  limitations  placed  upon  two  out  of  the  five 
units.  In  March,  1769,  the  bill  became  an  act  and  received  royal 
confirmation  two  years  later.2 

In  the  New  England  colonies  it  was  customary  to  leave  the  no- 
menclature of  newly  incorporated  townships  to  the  whim  and 
taste  of  the  governor.  On  this  analogy,  therefore,  John  Went- 
worth  assumed  the  responsibility  for  naming  the  five  counties  of 
his  province.  His  selection  of  names  was  both  politic  and  eu- 
phonious. The  most  important  division  was  christened  Rocking- 
ham in  honor  of  the  Whig  marquis  who  had  given  him  his  high 
office.  This  shire  contained  the  capital  and  was  the  heart  of  the 
colony.  Its  neighbor  on  the  west  was  dubbed  Hillsborough  and 
thus  perpetuated  in  New  Hampshire  cartography  the  title  of 
Wills  Hill,  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  who  at  that  time  occupied  the 
office  of  Colonial  Secretary  and  performed  its  duties  with  increas- 
ing lack  of  success.  The  towns  still  further  toward  the  west  were 
swept  into  a  jurisdiction  called  Cheshire,  while  the  functionless 
areas  of  the  north  and  northwest  received  the  familiar  names  of 
Strafford  and  Grafton.    The  former  was  doubtless  in  honor  of 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  175. 

2.  Ibid.,  vii,  274. 


38     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

Thomas  Wentworth,  Earl  of  Strafford,  a  great  soldier,  who  learned 
too  late  the  inadvisability  of  placing  faith  in  princes,  —  at  least, 
in  princes  of  the  type  of  Charles  I.  As  Strafford  was  the  great- 
great-grandfather  of  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  and  a  collateral 
ancestor  of  his  own,  this  name  made  a  double  appeal  to  the  Gov- 
ernor. Grafton  had  no  family  significance,  but  the  Duke  of  Graf- 
ton was  prime  minister  of  Great  Britain  in  1768  and  1769,  and, 
although  his  Grace's  personal  morals  were  a  scandal  even  in  a 
century  not  easily  scandalized,  he  was  a  consistent  friend  of  the 
colonies.  Had  he  been  a  man  of  more  force,  his  place  in  Ameri- 
can history  would  probably  equal  that  of  Lord  Rockingham;  as  it 
is,  he  is  remembered,  if  at  all,  only  because  of  his  amours  and  his 
horses. 

As  Governor  Wentworth  viewed  his  province,  he  was  impressed 
with  its  need  of  roads.  This  deficiency  was  to  be  expected  in  an 
expanding  frontier  colony,  and  would  be  particularly  apparent, 
perhaps,  to  a  governor  who  had  invested  in  lands  in  the  interior, 
but  New  Hampshire's  need  of  adequate  means  of  land  transpor- 
tation was  both  unique  and  genuine.  Although  the  province  was 
drained  by  four  large  navigable  rivers  —  the  Connecticut,  the 
Merrimac,  the  Saco,  and  the  Androscoggin  —  none  of  these 
streams  found  its  mouth  in  New  Hampshire.  The  Piscataqua 
presents  the  appearance  of  a  mighty  river  at  Portsmouth,  but  in 
reality  it  is  a  mere  arm  of  the  sea  into  which  a  number  of  short 
streams  empty  their  insignificant  waters.  Thus,  in  the  days  be- 
fore railroads  rendered  geographical  conditions  unimportant  as 
far  as  commerce  is  concerned,  the  produce  of  inland  New  Hamp- 
shire went,  not  to  Portsmouth,  but  to  Connecticut,  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  District  of  Maine.  This  trade  may  have  been  just 
as  advantageous  to  the  farmers  and  lumbermen  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, but  Wentworth  felt  that  it  was  injurious  to  the  province  as 
a  whole,  for  the  profits  from  the  further  shipping  and  sale  of  these 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE     39 

goods  to  the  inhabitants  of  the  West  Indies  came,  not  to  Ports- 
mouth merchants,  but  to  those  of  Newburyport,  Boston,  and 
New  Haven.  In  other  words,  to  use  the  stately  language  of  the 
Governor,  "the  labour  of  the  increasing  country"  was  "unnatu- 
rally lucrating  to  the  neighboring  colonies."  l  Moreover,  he 
knew  that  the  only  hope  of  increasing  the  scanty  supply  of  me- 
tallic currency  in  the  province  lay  in  foreign  trade,  as  distin- 
guished from  coastwise  commerce,  since  the  specie  of  our  ances- 
tors, when  they  were  so  fortunate  as  to  possess  any,  came  from 
the  West  Indies  in  the  form  of  Spanish  dollars,  Portuguese  Jo- 
hannes, and  their  fractions.2  When  New  Hampshire  farmers  sold 
their  produce  to  Massachusetts  merchants,  they  presumably  re- 
ceived paper  money  in  payment.  When  the  Massachusetts 
middlemen  resold  the  goods  to  the  plantation  owners  of  the  Carib- 
bean, they  took  in  hard  cash  and  made  profits  both  as  dealers 
and  as  shippers.  How  much  better  it  would  be  if  the  flow  of 
foreign  gold  and  silver  could  be  deflected  to  New  Hampshire  and 
if  the  profits  of  trading  and  shipping  could  accrue  to  the  com- 
mercial princes  of  Portsmouth.  But  as  long  as  the  inland  hus- 
bandmen found  it  easier  and  cheaper  to  float  their  goods  down 
the  river  to  Massachusetts  or  Connecticut  than  to  haul  them 
overland  to  the  Piscataqua,  the  desired  change  could  not  be 
effected.  The  situation  called  for  the  construction  of  good  roads 
from  the  interior  to  the  sea,  and  Wentworth  was  the  untiring  ad- 
vocate of  that  policy. 

The  Governor's  argument  was  doubtless  sound,  but  it  ap- 
pealed more  immediately  to  the  members  of  the  Council  than  it 
did  to  those  of  the  lower  house.  The  latter  agreed  that  roads 
were  needed,  but  they  did  not  choose  to  tax  themselves  and  their 
constituents  in  order  to  provide  them,  and  they  suggested  that 

1.  New  Hampshire  Stale  Papers,  vii,  232,  274. 

2.  See  Channing's  United  States,  ii,  497-500. 


40     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

the  proprietors  of  undeveloped  townships  should  be  obliged  to 
open  highways  through  their  domains.  After  all,  in  many  cases 
the  proprietors  were  those  very  merchants  who  were  to  be  the 
chief  beneficiaries  of  the  proposed  policy,  and  therefore,  they 
should  regard  good  roads  as  an  investment  rather  than  as  an  ex- 
pense. Likewise,  if  a  passable  way  was  required  through  un- 
granted  land,  the  proprietors  and  inhabitants  of  the  neighboring 
towns  would  be  benefited  by  its  construction,  and  should  advance 
the  necessary  funds  with  a  guarantee  of  being  reimbursed  by  the 
future  grantees.1  With  this  proviso,  the  Assembly  adopted  Went- 
worth's  general  recommendation,  and  the  surveying  of  trans- 
provincial  roads  was  begun. 

Wentworth  would  have  preferred  to  have  the  Assembly  make 
an  out  and  out  appropriation  for  thoroughfares  across  New  Hamp- 
shire, for  he  well  knew  that  the  proposed  method  was  not  likely 
to  be  efficient.  But  since  the  economy  and  sectionalism  of  the 
legislature  made  outright  appropriations  impossible,  the  Gover- 
nor conceived  an  interesting  substitute.  Land  in  New  Hamp- 
shire was  held  in  fee  simple,  but  grants  made  after  1741  were 
supposed  to  yield  a  small  quitrent  to  the  Crown  each  year.  The 
proprietors  and  inhabitants  of  new  towns  were  free  from  this  in- 
cubus for  ten  years  after  the  date  of  their  charter,2  but  when  that 
period  had  elapsed  every  landowner  was  expected  to  pay  a  quit- 
rent  on  the  basis  of  a  shilling  for  every  hundred  acres.  In  this 
matter,  as  in  some  others,  Benning  Wentworth  had  been  de- 
cidedly easy-going,  and  his  nephew  was  now  confronted  with  the 
unpleasant  task  not  only  of  collecting  quitrents  coming  due  in  the 
future,  but  also  of  extracting  arrears  from  "the  poor  peasants." 
He  knew  well  enough  that  this  kind  of  land  tenure  was  detested 

1.  New  Hampshire  Stale  Papers,  vii,  195. 

2.  John  IVentworth  to  John  Nelson,  March  29,  1770.  Wentworth  reduced 
the  period  of  immunity  to  five  years. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE      41 

by  the  colonists,  and  that  they  found  paying  quitrents  to  a  royal 
official  suggestive  of  oppression.  Nevertheless,  the  dues  must  be 
collected.  How  could  this  be  accomplished  with  the  least  possible 
irritation  to  the  people?  John  Wentworth  decided  that  the  solu- 
tion lay  in  expending  the  revenue  conspicuously  for  the  good  of 
the  public,  and  from  his  point  of  view  the  money  could  be  used 
to  the  best  advantage  in  the  construction  of  roads  from  the  in- 
terior to  Portsmouth.  His  scheme  was  as  statesmanlike  as  it  was 
astute,  and  fortunately  it  met  with  approval  in  England.  In 
1771  he  devoted  £500  of  quitrent  receipts  to  this  purpose,  and  re- 
ported to  the  Colonial  Secretary  that  he  thus  "procured  more 
than  two  hundred  miles  of  road  to  be  opened  and  made  passable 
from  the  western  limits  of  the  province  to  the  seacoast,  in  paral- 
lel directions."  And  he  was  happy  to  add,  "  By  this  means,  also, 
the  recovery  of  arrearages  has  been  voluntarily  complied  with, 
and  has  put  the  receipt  of  his  Majesty's  quitrents  into  an  habitual 
and  easy  method,  which  in  any  other  way  would  have  cost  the 
Crown  much  more  money."  ' 

Roadbuilding  in  New  Hampshire  in  the  eighteenth  century 
was  not  a  matter  of  crushed  stone  and  tar.  Far  from  it!  First 
the  surveyor  and  his  party  explored  the  country  to  be  traversed 
and  blazed  a  rough  trail;  this  was  called  "spotting"  because 
pieces  of  bark  were  cut  out  of  the  trees  along  the  line.  Then  fol- 
lowed a  crew  with  axes,  who  felled  the  trees  and  removed  the 
underbrush  until  there  was  an  avenue  three  rods  wide  through  the 
wilderness.  This  process  was  known  as  "cutting  and  clearing." 
The  great  trunks  were  hauled  out  of  the  way  by  teams  of  oxen  or, 
if  the  land  was  boggy,  they  were  laid  together  in  rows  and  thus 
formed  a  solid  though  uneven  causeway.2  The  completed  road 

1.  Colonial  Office  (5),  vol.  937,  Board  of  Trade  Papers,  New  Hampshire, 
no.  38;  in  the  Public  Record  Office. 

1.  Belknap's  History  of  New  Hampshire,  iii,  75  et  seq. 


42     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

was  probably  little  more  than  a  wide,  rough  bridle-path,  bristling 
with  stumps  and  flanked  with  brush,  but  one  could  easily  travel 
over  it  on  horseback  or  even  persuade  oxen  to  plod  through  it 
with  wagons.  The  rest  was  left  to  time  and  development,  and 
usually  it  was  many  a  long  year  before  the  road  became  smooth 
enough  for  a  coach  or  other  horse-drawn  vehicle. 

This  was  the  kind  of  road  Governor  Wentworth  had  in  mind 
when  he  urged  the  construction  of  four  great  highways  which 
should  make  Portsmouth  "the  first  provision  market  in  New 
England."  '  The  first  was  designed  to  connect  Durham,  which  is 
on  tide-water,  with  the  rich  interval  lands  of  the  Connecticut 
River  which  lay  in  and  about  the  town  of  Haverhill,  then  gen- 
erally spoken  of  as  the  Lower  Cohoss.  A  second  should  connect 
Charlestown  on  the  Connecticut  with  Boscawen  on  the  Merrimac. 
At  that  point  it  would  join  the  Cohoss-Durham  artery  and  thus 
connect  Charlestown  with  the  Piscataqua.  A  third  road,  start- 
ing at  Wolfeborough,  was  to  penetrate  the  White  Hills  and  ulti- 
mately reach  the  waters  of  the  Connecticut  at  Lancaster  and 
Northumberland,  a  region  known  as  the  Upper  Cohoss.  As  there 
was  a  reasonably  good  road  from  Wolfeborough  to  the  sea,  this  ex- 
tension would  make  it  possible  to  travel  by  land  from  the  most 
northern  settlements  to  Portsmouth,  and  would  lay  the  founda- 
tion for  a  thoroughfare  between  Quebec  and  the  capital  of  New 
Hampshire.2  Finally,  the  founding  of  Dartmouth  College  at  Han- 
over called  for  a  fourth  highway  through  the  wilds;  this  was  to 
connect  Hanover  with  Wolfeborough  and  hence  with  the  Piscata- 
qua region.3  It  is  not  certain  that  these  four  great  roads  were 
completed  during  Wentworth's  administration,  but  most  of  them 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Hugh  Hall  Wentworth,  December  23,  1768. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  H.  T.  Cramahi,  April  5,  1768. 

3.  For  the  action  of  the  Assembly  regarding  roads,  see  New  Hampshire 
State  Papers,  vii,  195,  196,  203,  234,  266,  284,  301,  306,  318,  351. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE     43 

were  at  least  surveyed  and  doubtless  would  have  been  constructed 
throughout  their  proposed  length  had  not  the  unrest  of  the  ap- 
proaching revolution  forced  more  urgent  business  upon  both 
governor  and  Assembly. 

Before  John  Wentworth  came  into  power,  one  or  two  printed 
maps  of  New  Hampshire  existed,  but  they  were  as  obsolete  as 
they  were  crude,  for  one  could  hardly  expect  cartography  to 
keep  up  with  the  expansion  which  attended  the  years  following 
the  Seven  Years'  War.  By  1770,  however,  the  granting  of  land 
had  practically  come  to  a  standstill  and  there  was  need  of  a  good 
map  of  the  province.  It  so  happened  that  a  Captain  Holland, 
who  had  been  appointed  surveyor  general  of  the  seacoast  of 
the  northern  district  of  America,  had  time  on  his  hands  during 
the  winter  of  1770-1771,  and  expressed  his  willingness  to  survey 
as  much  of  the  mainland  as  time  would  permit,  if  the  Assembly 
was  willing  to  pay  a  nominal  sum  for  his  services.  As  Samuel 
Holland  was  an  engineer  of  the  first  rank,  Wentworth  regarded 
him  as  heaven-sent  and  urged  the  legislature  to  embrace  this  un- 
usual opportunity.  The  representatives  of  the  people  were  not  so 
enthusiastic;  doubtless  the  expense  involved  looked  larger  to 
them  than  it  did  to  his  Excellency.  At  any  rate,  when  the  ques- 
tion was  put  before  them  in  January,  1771,  they  voted  in  the 
negative.1  This  was  disappointing;  but  the  Governor  did  not 
abandon  the  idea.  Just  a  year  later  he  again  urged  the  Assembly 
to  avail  itself  of  Captain  Holland's  proposition.  He  reminded  the 
legislators  that  his  instructions  from  Downing  Street  called  for  a 
map  of  the  province  and  that  he  had  deferred  action  because  of 
the  great  cost.  Now,  however,  the  generosity  of  Holland  had  re- 
moved that  objection,  for  that  gentleman  had  agreed  to  make  the 
survey  for  one  hundred  guineas,  which  he  estimated  would  just 
cover  the  actual  expenses  of  himself  and  his  assistants.    Went- 

I.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  264,  268. 


44     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

worth  declared  that  under  ordinary  conditions  the  cost  would  be 
ten  times  as  great!  The  suggestion  of  a  bargain  and  the  threat  of 
higher  prices  were  as  persuasive  then  as  now.  With  promptness 
that  was  almost  precipitate,  the  Assembly  granted  the  hundred 
guineas,  and  Holland  and  his  deputies  began  their  work  imme- 
diately. 

The  resulting  map  is  a  joy  to  the  eye,  and  also  a  source  of  abun- 
dant information  for  the  antiquarian  and  the  historian.  Its 
beauty  is  equaled  only  by  the  accuracy  of  its  detail,  and  when 
one  compares  the  Holland  Map  with  its  amateurish  predecessors, 
he  stands  amazed  at  the  science  and  art  of  the  generous  Captain.1 
Owing  to  the  Revolution,  the  work  was  not  published  until  1784. 
Then  it  was  engraved  in  London  by  the  direction  and  at  the  ex- 
pense of  Paul  Wentworth,  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Governor. 
Happy  indeed,  is  the  collector  whose  treasures  include  a  copy  of 
this  map.2 

Besides  his  authority  as  a  civil  magistrate,  the  governor  of 
New  Hampshire  enjoyed  the  powers  of  captain-general  in  his 
province.  Thus  Wentworth  found  himself  commander-in-chief  of 
the  militia  and  guardian  of  whatever  permanent  forts  existed  in 
his  province.  This  has  a  martial  appearance  on  paper,  but  in 
reality  there  was  but  one  garrisoned  fort,  and  only  with  diffi- 
culty could  the  Assembly  be  persuaded  to  keep  that  one  from 
falling  to  pieces.  Fort  William  and  Mary,  ordinarily  referred  to 
as  "the  Castle,"  was  situated  on  Great  Island,  in  the  town  of 
New  Castle,  about  three  miles  from  the  center  of  Portsmouth.  It 

1.  Holland  resided  in  Portsmouth  at  this  time  and  seems  to  have  taken  an 
unusual  interest  in  New  Hampshire  affairs.  His  generosity  manifested  itself 
again  in  a  brass  sun-dial  which  he  presented  to  Dartmouth  College.  See 
Frederick  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  p.  289. 

2.  There  are  two  copies  of  the  Holland  Map  in  the  library  of  Harvard  Uni- 
versity, and  one  in  the  cabinet  of  the  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society. 


THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE     45 

was  an  ancient  edifice  of  stone  and  lime,  which  had  become  al- 
most ruinous  since  the  Peace  of  Paris.  Nevertheless,  its  location 
was  strategic,  and  the  provincial  government  was  willing  to  pay 
one  officer  and  five  men  to  stay  there.  This  was  the  extent  of 
New  Hampshire's  standing  army.  Year  after  year  John  Went- 
worth  exhorted  the  Assembly  to  increase  the  establishment  and 
to  make  appropriations  for  the  repair  of  the  Castle,  but  almost 
without  effect.  In  1771  the  legislators  grudgingly  added  three 
men  to  the  garrison,  but  a  year  or  two  later  they  returned  to  the 
old  schedule. 

The  militia  was  a  more  creditable  affair.  However  averse  our 
ancestors  may  have  been  to  a  standing  army,  they  were  by  no 
means  pacifists.  They  believed  in  a  strong  citizen  soldiery  and  in 
compulsory  military  training.  With  the  exception  of  a  few  ex- 
empted groups,  all  males  between  sixteen  and  sixty  years  of  age 
were  obliged  to  bear  arms  and  to  perform  military  drill  on  four 
days  each  year.  Each  man  or  boy  had  to  provide  himself  with  a 
musket  and  other  necessary  military  equipment,  and  each  town 
must  keep  a  store  of  supplies  on  the  basis  of  a  barrel  of  powder, 
two  hundred  pounds  of  bullets,  and  three  hundred  flints  for  every 
sixty  men  of  military  age.1  Thus  every  town  or  precinct  could 
furnish  a  company  of  armed  men  upon  a  moment's  notice.  A 
number  of  companies  combined  to  form  a  regiment,  and  each 
regiment  was  obliged  to  assemble  for  muster  once  in  three  years. 
This  was  the  military  system  of  the  province  of  New  Hampshire, 
which  contained  tremendous  latent  power  of  defense  and  avoided 
the  dangers  of  a  standing  army. 

In  1767  Wentworth  found  about  ten  thousand  men  in  this  or- 
ganization, and,  although  they  were  "badly  accoutred  and 
scarcely  at  all  disciplined,"  he  recognized  their  possibilities  and 
determined  to  build  up  a  strong,  well-regulated  militia.    It  then 

1.  Acts  and  Laws  of  New  Hampshire  (edition  of  1771),  chap,  lxvii. 


46     THE  PROVINCE  OF  NEW  HAMPSHIRE 

comprised  less  than  "eight  regiments  of  foot  and  one  regiment  of 
horse."  He  intended  to  add  two  more  regiments  to  the  establish- 
ment and  thus  to  increase  by  sixteen  hundred  the  total  number 
of  men  under  arms.1  This  proved  to  be  an  easy  matter  in  such  a 
rapidly  growing  colony,  and  in  1773  Wentworth's  forces  con- 
sisted of  twelve  regiments.2  Not  in  numbers  alone  had  the  militia 
gained,  for  the  young  Governor's  enthusiasm  had  infused  new 
life  into  the  organization  of  which  he  was  commander-in-chief. 
He  attended  the  regimental  reviews  whenever  it  was  possible  for 
him  to  do  so,  and  his  personal  interest  was  felt  by  every  officer 
and  man.  Unwittingly  he  was  organizing  and  drilling  the  brave 
lads,  who,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Stark,  won  everlasting 
glory  for  New  Hampshire  at  the  Battle  of  Bunker  Hill. 

1.  "John  Wentworth  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  March  25,  1768. 

2.  C.  E.  Potter's  Military  History  of  New  Hampshire,  pp.  260-262. 


CHAPTER   V. 

THE  KING'S  WOODS 

SOON  after  the  founding  of  the  New  England  colonies  the 
British  government  realized  that  in  the  American  forests  it 
had  acquired  an  almost  inexhaustible  supply  of  timber  fit  for 
masts,  yards,  and  bowsprits.  For  a  half-century  the  Admiralty 
rejoiced  in  this  wealth  of  naval  resources  without  thought  of  con- 
servation, but  when  colonial  affairs  were  reorganized  after  the 
accession  of  William  and  Mary  precautionary  measures  in  this 
respect  seemed  advisable.  Therefore,  in  the  new  charter  issued  to 
to  the  people  of  Massachusetts  in  1 691,  their  Majesties  reserved  to 
the  Crown  "all  trees  of  the  diameter  of  twenty-four  inches  and 
upwards"  growing  on  land  not  already  granted  to  private  per- 
sons. This  meant  that  ownership  of  pine  trees  of  that  size  should 
not  accompany  title  to  the  soil  in  any  future  grants  in  Massachu- 
setts, and  that  anyone  "  felling,  cutting,  or  destroying  any  such 
trees  without  the  royal  license"  would  be  liable  to  a  fine  of  £100 
per  tree.  Just  why  Massachusetts  was  discriminated  against  in 
this  way,  while  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  and  the  other 
northern  colonies  might  continue  to  cut  and  slash  as  they  chose, 
does  not  appear.  Perhaps  it  was  because  the  best  pines  in 
America  were  supposed  to  grow  in  the  District  of  Maine,  which 
belonged  to  the  Bay  Colony,  but  more  probably  the  exemption 
was  due  to  an  oversight.  At  any  rate,  the  principle  was  soon  ex- 
tended to  her  neighbors.1   Parliament  forbade  the  destruction  of 

I.  The  development  of  this  policy  may  be  traced  in  the  following  statutes: 
1  Anne,  Cap.  17,  8  George  I,  Cap.  12,  and  1  George  II,  Cap.  35.  See  also 
various  town  charters  in  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  xxiv,  xxv,  xxvi. 


48  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

any  pine  trees  whatsoever  growing  upon  land  that  had  not  been 
laid  out  in  townships.  This  preserved  the  pines  of  the  great  un- 
granted  wilderness,  "the  King's  woods,"  and  as  new  townships 
were  carved  out  of  the  interior  this  conservation  was  continued 
to  a  certain  extent  by  a  clause  in  the  town  charters.  In  New 
York  this  clause  reserved  as  crown  property  all  pines  measuring 
twenty-four  inches  or  more  in  diameter;  in  New  Hampshire  the 
reservation  applied  to  "all  white  and  other  pine  trees,  fit  for 
masting  our  royal  navy."  These  remained  a  part  of  the  King's 
woods,  and  he  who  felled  them  without  leave  must  pay  a  heavy 
penalty. 

The  guardianship  of  these  royal  trees  was  entrusted  to  an  offi- 
cer entitled  the  Surveyor  General  of  his  Majesty's  Woods.  He  was 
assisted  by  four  deputies,  who  were  expected  to  go  through  the 
woods  "at  all  convenient  times  and  seasons"  and  mark  with  the 
broad-arrow  of  the  British  government  all  sound,  straight  pines 
of  sufficient  dimensions  for  masts.  In  this  way  the  future  grantee 
of  the  land  might  know  what  timber  was  inviolable.  Further- 
more, the  surveyor  should  make  an  index  of  all  these  trees  and 
thus  be  able  to  produce  a  given  number  of  sticks  for  the  navy 
whenever  authorized  to  do  so  by  the  Admiralty.  In  the  mean- 
time, he  would  prosecute  any  wayward  colonist  who  failed  to  re- 
spect this  manifestation  of  the  royal  prerogative.1 

When  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty  contrived  this  scheme,  they 
naturally  thought  in  terms  of  English  forests,  and  to  them  the 
plan  sounded  quite  practicable.  All  the  desirable  trees  could  be 
marked  and  registered  within  a  short  space  of  time,  and  then  the 
surveyor  general's  duties  would  be  light  indeed.  Perhaps  they 
should  have  realized  that  the  pine-bearing  wilderness  of  America 

I.  There  is  a  copy  of  John  Wentworth's  commission  for  this  service  among 
the  "British  Transcripts"  in  the  Library  of  Congress  at  Washington.  LC 
295:  P.R.O.  CO.  324,  52,  p.  67. 


THE  KING'S  WOODS  49 

covered  at  least  one  hundred  thousand  square  miles  and  that  the 
number  of  trees  fit  for  masts  was  countless,  but  those  were  the 
days  when  the  Secretary  of  State  immediately  in  charge  of  the 
colonies  frequently  referred  to  New  England  as  an  island,  and  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle  was  amazed  to  discover  that  Cape  Breton 
was  not  a  part  of  the  mainland.  Under  such  circumstances,  it 
would  be  unreasonable  to  blame  their  Lordships  of  the  Admiralty 
for  lack  of  information  or  imagination  regarding  the  extent  of 
America's  forests. 

When  Wentworth  arrived  in  New  Hampshire  in  the  summer  of 
1767,  he  knew  well  enough  that  he  and  his  four  assistants  could 
not  mark  all  the  trees  which  should  ultimately  be  saved  for  the 
Crown.  In  the  more  settled  parts  the  broad-arrow  might  well  be 
engraved  upon  an  occasional  pine  as  a  reminder  to  the  inhabi- 
tants, but  the  thought  of  marking  every  large  tree  in  the  wilder- 
ness was  absurd.  It  seemed  to  him  that  if  the  provisions  of  the 
statute  were  advertised,  the  people  might  be  held  responsible  for 
their  observance,  whether  the  reserved  timber  bore  the  insignia 
of  the  Admiralty  or  not.  On  this  principle,  at  any  rate,  he  in- 
tended to  commence  his  administration. 

In  order  to  appreciate  the  difficulty  of  Wentworth's  position, 
one  must  realize  that  the  mast-conservation  law  had  been  a  dead 
letter  for  more  than  a  generation.  One  of  the  charges  against 
Benning  Wentworth  had  been  his  failure  to  perform  satisfactorily 
his  duties  as  surveyor  general  of  his  Majesty's  woods.  He  paid 
£2000  for  the  appointment  •  and  drew  regularly  his  salary  of 
£200/  but  the  efficiency  of  his  administration  may  be  guessed 
from  the  fact  that  at  least  one  of  his  deputies  resided  comfortably 
in  Ireland,  three  thousand  miles  from  the  tall  white  pines  en- 


1 .  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  xviii,  566. 

2.  Hid.,  vi,  914. 


SO  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

trusted  to  his  care.1  It  is  not  unlikely  that  Uncle  Benning  remem- 
bered the  troubles  of  his  predecessor,  one  David  Dunbar,  and 
prudently  decided  not  to  attempt  enforcement  of  the  law. 

Dunbar  was  surveyor  general  about  the  year  1735.  He  was 
also  a  retired  colonel  in  the  British  army  and  a  man  who  be- 
lieved in  military  methods.  One  unfortunate  day  he  heard  that  a 
number  of  logs  of  large  dimensions  were  being  illegally  cut  into 
boards  at  a  saw-mill  in  Dover,  and  he  sallied  forth  to  do  his  duty. 
Much  as  the  colonists  disliked  the  law  which  forbade  their  felling 
large  pine  trees,  they  disliked  even  more  the  high-handed  manner 
in  which  David  Dunbar  chose  to  enforce  it.  Like  so  many  offi- 
cers sent  out  from  England,  before  and  after  his  time,  Dunbar 
shut  his  eyes  to  the  fact  that  the  Americans  were  very  human  be- 
ings, with  whom  tact  was  infinitely  more  effective  than  blunt 
assertion  of  authority.  Arriving  at  Dover,  he  seized  a  pile  of 
boards  and  ordered  his  boat's  crew  to  remove  them.  According 
to  the  law  he  might  seize  and  libel,  but  removal  must  wait  upon 
condemnation  by  a  court  of  admiralty.  The  owner  of  the  boards 
knew  this  and  warned  Dunbar,  whereupon  the  latter  was  obliged 
to  back  down,  —  which  he  did  with  very  bad  grace.  Upon  an- 
other occasion  the  surveyor  general  sent  a  crew  to  remove  some 
suspected  timber  at  Exeter.  At  first,  all  went  well,  but  while  the 
men  were  taking  their  ease  at  a  public  house,  a  number  of  per- 
sons disguised  as  Indians  made  a  surprise  attack,  gave  them  a 
good  beating,  and  so  wrecked  their  boat  that  they  were  obliged 
to  return  to  Portsmouth  on  foot.2 

Probably  Benning  Wentworth,  being  an  American,  would  have 
been  able  to  deal  with  the  frontiersmen  without  becoming  in- 
volved in  awkward  situations  of  this  kind,  but  for  one  reason  or 
another  he  preferred  to  let  the  statute  fall  into  peaceful  oblivion. 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Col.  John  Bradstreet,  Nov.  1,  1767. 
a.  Belknap's  New  Hampshire,  ii,  1 13. 


THE  KING'S  WOODS  51 

There  it  remained  until  July,  1767,  when  John  Wentworth  suc- 
ceeded his  uncle  in  this  office. 

The  new  surveyor  general  was  both  a  reasonable  human  being 
and  a  conscientious  administrator.  Realizing  that  twenty-five 
years  of  non-enforcement  had  probably  led  the  colonists  to  forget 
the  existence  of  the  mast-conservation  laws,  he  asked  his  col- 
league, Governor  Bernard  of  Massachusetts,  to  issue  a  proclama- 
tion reminding  the  people  of  Massachusetts  and  of  the  District 
of  Maine  of  the  provisions  of  the  statutes  and  warning  them 
that  now  they  were  to  be  strictly  enforced.  Wentworth  handed 
copies  of  this  manifesto  to  his  deputies  for  the  regions  concerned, 
with  instructions  to  post  them  in  conspicuous  places  throughout 
the  settlements.  He  also  directed  them  to  seize  and  libel  all  pine 
logs  they  might  find,  which  had  been  wrongfully  cut,  and  have 
them  condemned  in  the  court  of  admiralty  at  Boston.  After  con- 
demnation the  timber  should  be  sold  at  public  auction  in  the 
country  where  the  guilty  parties  resided,  thus  impressing  the 
people  with  the  actuality  of  the  law  and  spreading  its  fame 
through  the  wilderness.1  For  their  past  sins  offenders  should  not 
be  fined,  but  if  they  did  not  reform  they  should  suffer  the  full 
penalty  of  the  law  in  the  future. 

For  a  year  or  two  the  preservation  of  the  King's  woods  pro- 
gressed with  surprising  smoothness.  Now  and  then  the  Surveyor 
General  found  it  necessary  to  prosecute  individuals,  and  did  so 
vigorously,  but  he  made  it  his  wise  rule  not  to  institute  proceed- 
ings unless  conviction  was  practically  certain.  Probably  he  ex- 
aggerated the  good  results  of  his  administration  when  he  assured 
his  superiors  in  England  that  not  one  hundredth  part  of  the  usual 
illegal  destruction  of  timber  had  occurred  during  the  first  year  of 
his  stewardship,  but  he  seems  to  have  been  singularly  successful 
in  changing  the  attitude  of  the  people  towards  his  thankless 

I.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Secretaries  of  State,  September  3,  1767. 


52  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

office.  Within  a  few  months  the  old  hostility  disappeared,  and 
actual  friendliness  took  its  place.1  This  extraordinary  metamor- 
phosis can  be  accounted  for  only  by  the  good  sense,  tact,  and 
personality  of  John  Wentworth.  Perhaps  his  treatment  of  the 
lawless  inhabitants  of  the  banks  of  the  Androscoggin  provides 
the  best  example  of  his  administrative  methods. 

In  the  spring  of  1769  word  reached  the  Surveyor  General  that 
sundry  persons  in  the  vicinity  of  Brunswick,  Maine,  were  cutting 
white  pine  trees  of  large  dimensions.  Thereupon  he  directed  his 
deputy  in  that  part  of  the  country  to  investigate  and,  if  the  re- 
port proved  to  be  true,  to  seize  the  timber.  The  deputy  went  to 
Brunswick  and  found  the  destroyed  trees,  but  seizing  the  logs 
was  a  different  matter.  The  trespassers  so  terrified  him  "  by  their 
violent  menaces"  that  he  decided  to  retire  and  to  report  the  situ- 
ation to  his  chief.  According  to  his  account  the  men  of  Bruns- 
wick threatened  death  to  anyone  who  should  presume  to  seize 
their  spoils.  This  was  just  enough  to  stimulate  all  the  Wentworth 
blood  in  the  Surveyor  General's  veins,  and  he  declared  that  he 
would  go  to  the  Androscoggin  and  execute  the  law  himself.2  Com- 
modore Hood,  who  was  in  American  waters  at  that  time,  detailed 
the  sloop  of  war  Beaver  to  bear  him  to  the  eastward,  whither 
he  sailed  in  late  July.  Arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  "Wiscasset 
River,"  Wentworth  carefully  divested  himself  of  all  military  or 
naval  assistance.  Accompanied  by  only  an  assistant  deputy,  a 
servant,  and  a  boatman,  none  of  whom  was  armed,  he  was  con- 
veyed "through  many  rivers"  to  the  saw-mills  on  the  Andros- 
coggin "where  all  the  logs  had  floated  together."  Then  without 
delay  he  notified  the  people  of  his  business  and  invited  them  to 
meet  him  on  the  riverbank.  At  the  appointed  time  they  assem- 
bled from  far  and  near  —  attracted  no  doubt,  by  the  prospect  of 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  June  25,  1768. 
1.  John  Wentworth  to  Judge  Auchmuty,  April  10,  1769. 


THE  KING'S  WOODS  53 

a  little  excitement  —  and  with  them,  by  special  request  of  the 
Surveyor  General,  came  a  justice  of  peace.  When  the  crowd  had 
gathered,  Wentworth  talked  to  them  in  a  straightforward  man- 
ner, letting  them  know  that  he  was  aware  of  their  trespasses  and 
their  threats,  and  that  he  was  resolved  to  execute  the  acts  of 
Parliament  notwithstanding.  Then  he  read  the  particular  statute 
involved  and  explained  the  purpose  of  the  government  in  pre- 
serving timber  of  this  kind  for  the  use  of  the  navy.  If  his  hearers 
were  serious  in  their  determination  to  resist  the  enforcement  of 
the  law,  he  wished  that  they  would  commence  their  opposition 
then  and  there.  Although  he  had  come  armed  with  no  power  or 
force  except  the  acts  of  Parliament,  he  expected  "that  the  laws 
would  be  protection  enough  for  those  that  were  legally  executing 
them." 

After  a  long  pause  "  an  old  man  stepped  forth  and  desired  to  be 
heard.  He  said  that  the  people  were  poor,  depended  much  upon 
procuring  timber  for  their  subsistence;  that  they  had  been  under 
errors,  supposing  a  right  to  the  soil,  when  actually  served  to  them, 
gave  also  a  title  to  the  timber  of  all  kinds;  but  that  they  now 
plainly  saw  the  contrary,  except  in  such  tracts  as  were  actually 
improved  and  legally  possessed  as  private  property  before  the 
year  1690."  After  this  explanatory  preamble  he  admitted  "that 
it  was  likely  some  warm,  indiscreet  men  might  say  unadvised 
things  about  this  business,"  but  that  Wentworth  might  rest 
assured  that  not  one  man  among  them  would  oppose  him  or  any 
of  his  deputies.  On  the  contrary,  they  would  aid  him  at  all  times 
and  would  attend  and  guard  him  while  he  remained  in  that  re- 
gion, if  he  anticipated  "  the  least  insult  or  disrespect.  To  this 
speech  every  man  with  one  voice  assented."  ' 

Wentworth  must  have  been  amazed  at  this  unqualified  sub- 
mission, but  he  replied  in  a  dignified  manner  and  made  it  clear 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  October  22,  1770. 


54  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

that  he  thought  they  had  chosen  the  part  of  wisdom.  The  rest  of 
the  story  is  best  told  in  his  own  words,  if  one  is  willing  to  struggle 
further  with  his  unconventional  construction  of  sentences.  "I 
singled  out  one  man  who  had  been  the  most  zealous  and  warm  in 
the  scheme  of  making  the  country  too  hot  for  officers  (as  they 
termed  it),  and  required  him  to  aid  and  carry  me  off  in  his  canoe 
upon  the  river  —  my  boat  could  not  come  up  above  the  falls  — 
and  there  help  me  to  seize  and  mark  five  hundred  logs,  which  be- 
longed to  him  and  the  rest  who  waited  on  the  banks  of  the  river 
within  thirty  yards;  which  he  directly  performed  and  we  returned 
to  the  people  in  whose  presence  I  delivered  the  logs  into  the  care 
of  the  magistrate;  and  informed  them  I  would  stay  that  night  at 
the  inn  adjacent,  and  in  the  morning  consider  any  claims  they 
might  offer  for  the  logs.  And  they  might  consider  whether  they 
would  abide  by  their  present  resolutions  of  obeying  the  law.  In 
the  morning  the  whole  party  came  to  me,  and  to  a  man  expressed 
their  fixed  resolutions  the  same  as  the  preceding  day,  —  that 
they  surrendered  all  claim  of  property  in  the  logs  I  had  seized, 
which  they  owned  to  have  cut  upon  the  lesser  rivers  in  the  winter 
preceding." 

This  expedition  was  by  no  means  Wentworth's  sole  journey 
into  the  wilderness.  He  devoted  a  large  part  of  the  summer  of 
1768  to  exploring  those  remote  areas  of  ungranted  timberland 
which  he  called  "  the  King's  woods."  John  Wentworth  loved  life 
in  the  open  air  above  all  things,  and  he  really  enjoyed  the  hard- 
ships and  adventures  of  these  excursions  into  the  wild  country. 
Nevertheless,  he  took  care  that  the  authorities  in  England 
should  know  that  the  performance  of  his  duties  was  as  fatiguing 
as  it  was  efficient.  In  other  letters,  too,  he  referred  to  his  "slen- 
der constitution"  and  the  danger  involved  in  these  strenuous  ex- 
peditions, but  he  who  reads  between  the  lines  cannot  avoid  the 
conviction  that  this  was  pose,  pure  and  simple.  Can  one  believe, 


THE    KING'S  WOODS  55 

for  instance,  that  the  writer  of  the  following  sentences  did  not 
enjoy  his  daily  thrill?  "My  duty  in  the  woods  calls  me  so  often 
into  such  sad  countries  that  every  day's  travel  is  almost  a  miracle. 
However,  I  have  not  yet  even  broke  a  bone;  and  as  to  drowning, 
I  begin  to  think  it  a  mere  fable  as  I  am  frequently  upon  great 
lakes  in  a  hollow  log,  sometimes  plunged  into  rivers  endeavour- 
ing to  pass  on  a  single  tree.  But  always  somebody  or  other  pulls 
me  out  again,  —  for  I  can't  swim,  and  it  is,  therefore,  the  more 
kind  in  them."  ! 

After  the  Androscoggin  episode,  the  Surveyor  General  sailed  up 
the  coast  to  Halifax  in  the  hope  of  finding  a  large  tract  of  timber- 
land  which  the  Crown  might  advantageously  reserve  in  its  en- 
tirety for  the  use  of  the  navy.  His  orders  called  for  two  hundred 
thousand  acres  in  Nova  Scotia,  bordering  on  the  ocean  and 
traversed  by  navigable  rivers.  About  eighteen  miles  west  of 
Halifax  he  found  just  what  he  sought,  but,  being  without  power 
to  appropriate  it  himself,  he  left  the  matter  to  be  settled  by  the 
local  governor  and  the  Lords  of  the  Admiralty.2  In  the  summer  of 
1773,  Wentworth  went  through  the  woods  "from  Winnipesiokett 
Pond  to  White  River  Falls  on  Connecticut  River,  thence  up  the 
said  river  to  the  45th  degree  of  latitude,  and  thence  by  another 
direction  through  the  pathless  wilderness  down  to  the  seacoast." 
His  primary  object  on  these  travels  was  to  obtain  a  good  general 
knowledge  of  the  forests  so  that  he  might  know  where  the  best 
pine  growth  was  situated  and  where,  incidentally,  he  might  look 
for  trouble  in  the  future.  Such  was  probably  the  reason  for  his 
exploring  the  coast  from  Portsmouth  to  Machias  in  the  same 
year,  but  the  fact  that  "Mr.  Levi,  the  Jew"  had  shipped  to  Lon- 
don some  lumber  which  was  in  process  of  condemnation   at 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Harrison,  September  24,  1769. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  oj  Hillsborough,  October  22,  1770. 


56  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

Gouldsboro,  doubtless  added  to  Wentworth's  desire  to  visit  the 
region  of  Mount  Desert.1 

The  journey  that  does  most  credit  to  the  Surveyor  General  was 
made  in  January,  1769,  and  its  results  were  as  interesting  as  the 
expedition  was  fatiguing.  Excepting  the  District  of  Maine, 
where  there  were  pine  trees  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  tall  and 
five  or  six  feet  through  at  the  butt,  the  west  bank  of  the  Connecti- 
cut River  produced  the  best  mast-timber  in  America.  Here  a  few 
bold  spirits  trespassed  openly  upon  the  King's  woods  and  relied 
upon  the  remoteness  of  their  situation  and  the  discomfort  of  a 
trip  across  New  Hampshire  in  midwinter  to  keep  them  out  of 
trouble.  In  doing  so,  however,  they  reckoned  without  an  ade- 
quate valuation  of  the  spirit  and  energy  of  John  Wentworth. 
When  reports  of  their  misdeeds  reached  Portsmouth,  the  Surveyor 
General  forgot  for  the  time  being  his  "frail  constitution"  and  set 
out  immediately  through  the  ice  and  snow  with  the  hope  of  catch- 
ing the  offenders  red-handed.  His  way  led  "  through  a  wilderness 
almost  uninhabited,"  but  this  had  its  advantages  if  one  wished 
to  take  the  enemy  by  surprise,  as  Wentworth  most  certainly  did. 
Near  Windsor,  Vermont,  he  came  upon  them  while  they  were  at 
work  in  the  woods,  where  they  had  cut  down  seventeen  white 
pine  mast-trees  from  twenty-eight  to  forty  inches  in  diameter  and 
from  eighty  to  one  hundred  feet  in  length.  The  offenders  were  a 
man  named  Deane  and  his  two  sons,  William  and  Willard.  Be- 
sides the  trees  lying  on  the  ground,  there  were  hundreds  of  logs 
in  the  river.  Wentworth  seized  all  this  timber,  left  it  under  guard, 
and  then  returned  to  Portsmouth,  "having  traveled  three  hun- 
dred miles  in  excessive  cold  and  snow"  in  just  sixteen  days.  But 
this  was  not  the  end  of  the  Deane  case. 

The  appropriate  court  of  admiralty  for  the  west  bank  of  the 
Connecticut  River  was  situated  at  New  York.   Thither  the  Sur- 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Joshua  Loring,  Jr.,  April  9,  1773. 


THE  KING'S  WOODS  57 

veyor  General  transmitted  his  information  and  complaint,  for  in 
this  case  he  intended  both  to  recover  the  timber  stolen  from  his 
Majesty  and  to  prosecute  the  trespassers.  A  warrant  for  their 
arrest  was  issued  in  due  course,  but  meanwhile  the  Deane  family, 
aware  of  their  danger,  had  "absconded  into  some  other  prov- 
inces," where  they  concealed  themselves  successfully.  Wentworth 
was  annoyed,  but  would  not  admit  defeat.  He  decided  to  bide 
his  time.  It  was  not  unlikely  that  if  he  lay  low,  the  Deanes  would 
emerge  from  their  seclusion  and  revisit  Windsor,  where  he  would 
have  them  seized  by  the  deputy  marshal.  His  guess  could  not 
have  been  better.  In  the  course  of  a  few  months  William  and 
Willard  Deane  were  arrested  and  carried  to  New  York.  The 
father  soon  shared  their  fate,  and  when  the  next  winter  set  in,  the 
trio  found  themselves  in  a  jail  on  Manhattan  Island  awaiting  trial. 
About  this  time  the  case  became  unexpectedly  exciting  for  all 
concerned.  It  so  happened  that  a  number  of  rich  men  in  the 
metropolis  owned  great  tracts  of  timberland  in  the  interior,  but 
apparently  they  had  never  taken  the  conservation  acts  of  Parlia- 
ment seriously.  Perhaps  they  had  never  been  aware  of  their 
existence.  Now,  however,  the  prospect  of  enforcement  so  alarmed 
one  and  all  that  they  engaged  "a  great  patriot  lawyer,"  James 
Duane,  and  made  the  case  of  the  trespassers  their  own.  For  a 
few  weeks  the  town  seethed  with  excitement.  Agitators  declared 
that  the  enforcement  of  the  timber-conservation  laws  would  be 
more  injurious  to  landholders  than  the  Stamp  Act.  Just  why  this 
was  so  they  did  not  state.  Proof  of  the  point  was  unnecessary,  for 
at  the  mention  of  the  Stamp  Act  the  hearers  invariably  lost  their 
reasoning  powers  and  joined  the  forces  of  opposition.1  As  if  this 

1.  Referring  to  the  Stamp  Act,  Wentworth  wrote,  "which  word  is  as  in- 
fectious in  America  as  the  plague,  and  as  unaccountably  seizes  upon  the 
strongest  constitutions."  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  Octo- 
ber 21,  1770. 


58  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

were  not  enough,  Judge  Wells  of  Brattleborough  came  to  town 
and  became  very  active  in  behalf  of  the  Deanes,  whose  case,  he 
declared,  was  pitiable  rather  than  criminal.  The  longer  justice 
was  delayed,  the  less  encouraging  the  situation  appeared  to 
Wentworth,  but  he  was  careful  to  proceed  slowly  lest  there  should 
be  the  additional  grievance  of  an  untimely  trial.  At  last  the  day 
of  judgment  arrived.  The  senior  Deane  and  his  two  sons  were 
found  guilty  and  were  fined  in  accordance  with  the  statute,  a  full 
decree  in  favor  of  the  Crown  being  given  by  Judge  Morris. 

For  a  moment  Wentworth  enjoyed  the  relief  and  satisfaction 
which  accompany  the  successful  completion  of  a  difficult  job,  — 
but  only  for  a  moment,  for  when  the  government  attempted  to 
collect  the  amount  of  the  fines  by  selling  the  private  effects  of  the 
Deane  family,  it  transpired  that  the  culprits  had  transferred  all 
their  goods  and  chattels  to  their  friend,  Judge  Wells,  and  con- 
sequently were  bankrupt  for  the  time  being.  As  the  law  did  not 
extend  to  their  real  estate,  the  entire  cost  of  an  expensive  prose- 
cution was  thrown  upon  the  Crown.  This  was  precisely  the  inten- 
tion of  his  Honor  Judge  Wells  who,  perceiving  that  the  case  was 
likely  to  go  against  the  Deanes,  had  persuaded  them  to  make  him 
trustee  of  their  personal  property.  It  was  a  clever  manipulation 
of  the  law  and  evokes  one's  admiration  for  Wells'  ingenuity,  — 
although  hardly  for  his  sense  of  propriety.  Its  effect  upon  John 
Wentworth,  however,  was  not  limited  to  admiration,  especially 
when  he  learned  that  his  adversary  had  returned  home  boasting 
that  the  Surveyor  General  would  soon  sicken  of  such  expensive 
prosecutions.  In  the  meantime  the  Deanes  remained  in  "a  com- 
fortable gaol"  at  New  York,  where  they  were  "supported  in 
affluence"  by  those  who  sympathized  with  their  cause. 

Wentworth  bore  them  no  malice;  neither  did  he  treasure  any 
resentment  toward  James  Duane,  the  "great  patriot  lawyer"; 
but  for  a  crown  magistrate  who  would  twist  the  laws  of  convey- 


THE  KING'S  WOODS  59 

ance  to  defeat  the  laws  for  preserving  mast-timber  he  had  un- 
limited contempt.  Whenever  he  thought  of  Judge  Wells,  John 
Wentworth  became  righteously  indignant,  and  he  determined  to 
run  him  out  of  the  service.  He  reported  his  acts  to  the  governor 
of  New  York  and  also  to  the  authorities  in  England.  From  the 
former  he  could  not  have  expected  much  support,  for  New  York 
and  New  Hampshire  were  practically  at  war  with  each  other 
throughout  this  period  because  of  their  dispute  over  the  New 
Hampshire  Grants,  and  a  man  who  could  defeat  the  governor  of 
New  Hampshire  on  any  issue  was  looked  upon  with  favor  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Connecticut.  It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that 
Governor  Colden's  committee  for  investigating  the  behavior  of 
Judge  Wells  reported  that  they  could  not  see  sufficient  cause  to 
advise  his  removal  from  office,  and  they  embraced  the  oppor- 
tunity to  include  in  their  remarks  an  impertinent  reference  to 
"the  unjustifiable  claim  of  the  province  of  New  Hampshire."  l 
Better  results  were  looked  for  in  England,  but  unfortunately  the 
Colonial  Secretary  in  Downing  Street  had  too  much  else  on  his 
mind  to  give  more  than  passing  notice  to  Wentworth's  complaint. 
Although  the  Surveyor  General  never  achieved  his  object,  future 
events  sustained  his  conviction  that  Wells  was  a  slippery  indi- 
vidual. One  would  have  expected  the  Judge  to  be  a  prominent 
patriot  in  the  approaching  revolution,  but  when  the  time  came 
he  was  neither  one  thing  nor  the  other.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
conflict  he  was  a  semi-Loyalist,  and  later  his  relations  with  the 
governor  of  Canada  became  so  suspicious  that  he  found  it  ad- 
visable to  take  refuge  within  the  British  lines  at  New  York. 

The  further  adventures  of  the  Deane  trio  deserve  mention,  be- 
cause they  show  the  kind  of  human  stuff  John  Wentworth  was 
made  of.  A  few  weeks  after  their  conviction,  the  admiralty  judge 
wrote  Wentworth  that  he  believed  the  two  young  men  were  not  so 

1.  E.  B.  O'Callaghan's  Documentary  History  of  New  York,  iv,  646. 


60  THE  KING'S  WOODS 

culpable  as  their  father,  and  that  he  was  inclined  to  release  them 
from  jail  if  the  Surveyor  General  had  no  objection.  Wentworth 
not  only  gave  his  consent,  but  added  that  he  hoped  the  judge 
would  liberate  all  three,  for,  if  "the  terror  of  example"  had  been 
effected,  as  he  believed  it  had,  there  was  no  point  in  adding  to  the 
sum  of  human  misery  by  persecuting  these  individuals.  Thus 
ended  the  case  of  the  Deanes,  who,  let  us  hope,  returned  to  the 
woods  of  Windsor  with  the  fear  of  the  Lord  in  their  hearts  and  a 
wholesome  respect  for  the  office  and  character  of  John  Went- 
worth.1 

Granted  that  the  mast-timber  conservation  laws  were  annoying 
to  the  English  colonists,  did  not  Wentworth  do  all  in  his  power  to 
combine  efficient  execution  with  a  minimum  amount  of  exaspera- 
tion? Like  all  good  executives,  when  he  decided  to  hit,  he  hit 
hard;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  he  treated  the  law-abiding  with 
uncommon  consideration.  When  he  authorized  the  cutting  of  a 
man's  pine  trees  in  order  to  fill  an  order  for  the  navy,  he  invari- 
ably took  care  that  the  owner  of  the  soil  should  be  given  the 
preference  in  hauling  and  delivering  them  to  the  contractor. 
Thus  whatever  resentment  a  Yankee  might  feel  at  the  royal  ap- 
propriation was  assuaged  by  the  jingle  of  coin  in  his  pocket,  as  he 
drove  his  oxen  home  from  the  river.  Tact  such  as  this  is  akin  to 
genius. 

I.  For  the  case  from  the  Deanes' point  of  view,  see  Benjamin  Homer  Hall's 
History  of  Eastern  Vermont,  i,  146-158. 


CHAPTER    VI. 

Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

EARLY  in  the  summer  of  1770  John  Adams  made  a  journey 
from  Braintree  to  "Falmouth  in  Casco  Bay,"  which  we  now 
call  Portland,  Maine.  His  shortest  route  lay  through  Portsmouth, 
but  he  turned  from  the  main  road  at  Greenland  meeting-house  in 
order  to  visit  an  aged  uncle  who  resided  in  Newington.  With 
frankness  characteristic  of  his  family  Adams  described  the  old 
gentleman  as  "vain  and  loquacious,  though  somewhat  learned 
and  entertaining";  nevertheless,  he  seems  to  have  preferred  his 
relative's  society  to  that  which  he  would  have  found  at  Ports- 
mouth. His  diary  for  that  day,  at  any  rate,  contains  the  follow- 
ing ungracious  entry: l 

By  accidentally  taking  this  new  route,  I  have  avoided  Portsmouth, 
and  my  old  friend  the  Governor  of  it.  But  I  must  make  my  compli- 
ments to  him  as  I  return.  It  is  a  duty;  —  he  is  my  friend  and  I  am  his. 
I  should  have  seen  enough  of  the  pomps  and  vanities  and  ceremonies 
of  that  little  world,  Portsmouth,  if  I  had  gone  there;  but  formalities 
and  ceremonies  are  an  abomination  in  my  sight;  —  I  hate  them  in 
religion,  government,  science,  life. 

A  few  years  earlier  John  Wentworth  wrote  from  Portsmouth: 
"This  is  a  dull  place  for  cards;  I  have  not  won  enough  lately  to 
pay  the  postage  of  a  letter."  These  two  opinions,  so  different  in 
point  of  view,  give  us  some  conception  of  the  close  corporation 
which  constituted  Portsmouth  society  before  the  Revolution.  Its 
church  was  the  Church  of  England;  its  wealth  came  from  export- 

t.  John  Adams's  Works,  ii,  241. 


62  Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

ing  lumber  to  the  sugar  islands  and  from  importing  rum  in  return. 
But  all  the  lumber  in  New  Hampshire  and  all  the  rum  in  the  West 
Indies  would  not  admit  one  to  the  charmed  circle  of  aristocracy 
unless  the  aspirant  was  otherwise  acceptable.  The  Brahmin  caste 
included  the  Atkinsons,  the  Jaffreys,  the  Peirces,  the  Rindges,  the 
Sherburnes,  the  Warners,  the  Wentworths,  and  the  Wibirds;  but 
the  greatest  of  these  were  the  Wentworths,  who,  for  three  genera- 
tions, governed  the  province  and  dominated  the  court  life  of 
Portsmouth.  This  was  the  "little  world"  for  which  John  Adams 
expressed  his  scorn,  and  one  may  surmise  with  what  coolness  he 
would  have  been  received  in  its  midst,  —  he,  an  impecunious 
lawyer  from  Massachusetts  with  republican  views  and  no  hesita- 
tion about  expressing  them,  a  Congregationalist  who  had  married 
the  daughter  of  a  Congregational  minister.  His  mother  was  a 
Boylston,  to  be  sure,  and  that  gave  him  a  claim  for  recognition 
anywhere  in  New  England,  but  as  Mr.  Adams  never  pressed  this 
claim  one  was  apt  to  forget  that  he  differed  in  any  way  from  the 
other  agitators  in  vulgar  Massachusetts.  Had  he  been  born  in 
Portsmouth,  he  might  have  overcome  these  social  handicaps  by 
marrying  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  established  families,  for  new 
blood  was  sometimes  infused  into  the  aristocracy  in  this  way.  In 
act,  the  right  kind  of  outsider  might  even  remain  a  Congregation- 
alist and  be  accepted  if  his  wife  was  one  of  the  elite,  but  few  could 
attain  the  inner  circle  or  expect  high  offices  from  the  governor  un- 
less they  worshipped  at  Queen's  Chapel  and  belonged  to  the  blue- 
blooded  flock  of  the  Reverend  Arthur  Browne. 

Perhaps  the  superficiality  of  Portsmouth's  social  structure 
ought  to  have  troubled  John  Wentworth  as  much  as  it  did  his  in- 
tolerant classmate,  but  it  does  not  seem  to  have  done  so.  Went- 
worth was  born  into  it  and  accepted  it  as  the  natural  order  of 
things.  His  acquaintance,  of  course,  extended  to  other  classes  of 
society  —  his  friendships  too,  for  that  matter  —  but  naturally 


Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr.  63 

the  greatest  community  of  interest  was  found  in  the  little  ring 
whose  ancestors  had  turned  Strawberry  Bank  into  the  prosperous 
commercial  metropolis  of  northern  New  England.  Like  a  modern 
prince  he  discovered  much  to  interest  him  in  the  people  of  the 
outside  world;  he  respected  their  initiative,  admired  their  energy, 
and  sympathized  with  many  of  their  aspirations,  but  he  did  not 
often  find  their  society  so  congenial  as  that  of  the  court  in  which 
he  had  grown  up.  For  display,  as  such,  he  had  no  fondness,  but 
he  believed  that  the  dignity  of  government  should  be  constantly 
borne  in  mind  by  the  people.  If  this  could  be  aided  by  formality 
and  magnificence,  it  was  his  duty  to  employ  those  externals  be- 
sides administering  to  the  best  of  his  ability  the  actual  business 
of  the  province.  Hence,  if  he  rode  to  Boston  to  discover  why  a 
Massachusetts  marshal  had  declined  to  carry  out  the  orders  of 
the  surveyor  general,  he  traveled  in  a  coach  and  required  accom- 
modations for  twelve  horses  and  eight  servants.1  On  the  other 
hand,  when  he  went  as  a  private  citizen  to  his  plantation  at  Wolfe- 
borough,  he  mounted  a  favorite  horse  and  with  one  or  two  com- 
panions galloped  over  the  happy  road  without  a  thought  of 
princely  pomp  or  churchman's  pride. 

New  Hampshire  possessed  no  province  house  in  which  to  lodge 
its  governor,  but  in  order  to  provide  an  abode  for  John  Went- 
worth  the  assembly  hired  a  dignified  two-and-a-half  storied  house 
on  Pleasant  Street,  and  placed  it  at  his  disposal.  The  house  be- 
longed to  a  Mr.  Fisher  2  and  could  have  been  bought  for  about 
£1700,  but  the  shrewd  legislators  preferred  to  rent  it  for  £67  per 
annum,  an  amount  which  the  owner  complained  was  less  than 
half  the  lawful  interest  on  the  capital  invested.3  Here  the  bach- 
elor Governor  was  installed  soon  after  his  return  from  England, 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Joshua  Loring,  Jr.,  May  3,  1769. 

2.  This  was  probably  John  Fisher,  who  married  the  Governor's  sister  Anna. 

3.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  264-265. 


64  Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

and  here  he  continued  to  reside  until  the  summer  of  1775.  It  was 
an  unpretentious  edifice,  but  when  one  regards  it  today,  a  stately 
though  weather-beaten  building  —  too  near  the  road,  perhaps, 
but  half  hidden  by  ancient  lindens  —  he  must  feel  that  Went- 
worth  was  hardly  just  when  he  described  it  as  "a  small  hut  with 
little,  comfortable  apartments."  His  description  of  its  surround- 
ings, however,  was  more  appreciative.  "On  the  one  side  (we 
have  too  much  modesty  to  call  it  front),  we  look  over  the  town 
and  down  the  river  to  the  boundless  Atlantic  Ocean;  on  the  other 
side  we  overlook  a  place  for  a  garden,  bounded  or  rather  sepa- 
rated from  the  fields  by  a  large  sea-water  pond,  which  enlivens 
the  rural  scene."  1 

The  interior  of  this  "good,  warm,  little  dwelling"  received  no 
small  amount  of  attention  from  the  Governor.  He  had  occupied 
it  hardly  a  month  before  he  ordered  wall  papers  from  Boston, 
some  of  a  specified  kind,  and  the  rest  "of  any  pretty,  fanciful,  and 
cheap  satin."  2  Furniture,  too,  was  brought  from  Boston,  and  in 
the  course  of  a  few  months  his  Excellency  had  accomplished  his 
object  of  making  "a  Lilliputian  Wentworth  House  here."  The 
atmosphere  of  the  Marquis's  great  house  was  partially  reproduced 
by  a  retinue  of  Yorkshire  servants  whom  Wentworth  had  brought 
over  with  him,  but,  as  the  genial  host  expressed  it,  "to  resemble 
the  original  essentially  we  endeavor  to  make  every  one  as  happy 
as  we  can."  3 

For  companionship  at  home  the  Governor  depended  upon  his 
cousin,  Michael  Wentworth,  a  retired  colonel  in  the  British  Army, 
who  had  recently  migrated  from  England  in  order  to  try  his  luck 
in  America.  Although  the  Colonel  was  Wentworth's  senior  by 
ten  or  fifteen  years,  the  two  men  had  much  in  common,  especially 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  William  Bayard,  July  3,  1767. 

2.  Some  of  the  original  flock-paper  adorns  the  walls  today  (1920). 

3.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Harrison,  February  13,  1768. 


Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr.  65 

a  passion  for  horses.  The  Governor  had  the  greater  number  of 
animals,  but  the  Colonel  had  the  proud  distinction  of  having 
ridden  from  Boston  to  Portsmouth  in  ten  hours.1  Both  were  fond 
of  music,  too,  and  to  complete  the  analogy  each  ultimately, 
married  a  widow.  Michael  Wentworth's  bride  was  none  other 
than  the  relict  of  Benning  Wentworth,  nee  Martha  Hilton,  who 
had  unexpectedly  inherited  an  ample  fortune.  The  latter  fact,  of 
course,  was  not  wholly  displeasing  to  the  Colonel;  he  moved  into 
the  mansion  at  Little  Harbor  and  in  the  course  of  a  few  years 
succeeded  in  spending  all  his  own  property  and  most  of  his  wife's 
as  well.  According  to  local  tradition  his  dying  words  were,  "I 
have  had  my  cake  and  ate  it,"  —  but  that  is  another  story.  In 
1767  he  was  merely  a  jovial  single  gentleman,  whose  experiences 
and  personality  made  him  a  most  agreeable  companion. 

The  lot  of  a  housekeeping  bachelor  is  not  altogether  enviable, 
and  if  John  Wentworth  felt  any  uncertainty  on  this  point  he  was 
soon  to  be  convinced.  When  he  casually  ordered  bacon  in  July, 
he  learned  that  there  was  none  to  be  had  in  the  market.  This  was 
a  new  idea  to  one  whose  least  wish  at  home  and  abroad  had  al- 
ways been  anticipated.  Nothing  daunted,  however,  he  wrote  to 
a  friend  in  New  York  and  entreated  him  to  ship  fifteen  hams  and 
fifteen  chaps  to  "a  young,  unprovided  housekeeper."2  Even 
more  troublesome  was  the  question  of  fuel.  There  was  wood 
enough,  no  doubt,  but  the  Governor  wanted  coal  as  well,  and  the 
nearest  coal  pits  were  near  Louisburg  on  Cape  Breton  Island.3 
Since  these  were  owned  by  the  British  government  and  admin- 
istered by  the  governor  of  Nova  Scotia,  one  may  well  conjecture 
that  a  considerable  period  of  time  elapsed  between  an  order  and 
its  delivery,  even  when  the  order  came  from  the  governor  of  New 

1.  Brewster's  Rambles,  \,  102. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  William  Bayard,  July  15,  1767. 

3.  John  Wentworth  to  Lord  William  Campbell,  June  24,  1767. 


66  Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

Hampshire.  Then,  too,  there  was  the  eternal  servant  problem. 
When  Wentworth  arrived  from  England,  he  was  well  equipped 
with  domestic  help,  as  we  have  already  noted,  but  these  people 
no  sooner  breathed  the  free  air  of  America  than  they  became  am- 
bitious to  be  something  more  than  butlers  and  footmen.  Went- 
worth would  not,  and  probably  could  not,  stand  in  their  way,  and 
within  a  year  or  two  he  found  his  household  exceedingly  short- 
handed.  To  fill  the  vacancies,  he  could  have  bought  the  services 
of  poor  immigrants  who  had  met  the  expenses  of  the  voyage  by 
mortgaging  their  labor  for  a  period  of  years  to  the  captain  of  the 
ship.  But  the  quality  of  this  kind  of  help  was  variable,  to  say  the 
least,  whereas  the  Governor  wanted  only  the  best.  The  only 
thing  for  him  to  do  was  to  write  to  some  good  friend  in  England 
and  ask  him  to  send  out  two  footmen,  "  two  that  can  play  well  on 
a  French  horn;  also,  if  they  can,  or  one  of  them,  play  on  a  violin."1 
If  talent  of  this  kind  were  procurable  and  if  the  men  would  serve 
him  faithfully  for  five  years,  the  desperate  employer  agreed  to  pay 
them  whatever  wages  his  friend  might  recommend,  and,  at  the 
end  of  their  period  of  service,  to  give  each  of  them  one  hundred 
acres  of  good  land  in  a  settled  country  and  whatever  "little  gov- 
ernment place  of  profit"  he  might  be  qualified  to  fill.  One  might 
reasonably  demand  perfection  of  servants  engaged  under  such 
terms,  but  the  rest  of  Wentworth's  letter  suggests  that  the  situa- 
tion in  1769  was  fully  as  difficult  as  it  is  today.  "Mr.  Inman,  my 
tailor,  will  clothe  them  in  my  livery,  and  the  mastship,  or  any 
other  ship  to  this  port,  will  bring  them  out  to  me.  It  is  not  of  any 
consideration  to  me  what  country  or  religion,  if  they  are  good, 
well-tempered,  honest,  capable  men.  I  will  do  more  for  them  than 
they  can  ever  expect  in  Europe.  Neither  is  it  essential  that  their 
musical  execution  should  be  of  the  first  rate  as  we  are  not  great 
connoisseurs  in  that  way." 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Paul  Wentworth,  September  17,  1769. 


Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr.  67 

Across  the  way  from  the  Governor's  house  stood  a  large  stable, 
in  which  Wentworth  kept  the  sixteen  horses  which  were  his  most 
precious  possessions.1  Some  of  these  he  had  brought  with  him 
from  England,  others  were  gifts  or  purchases  from  his  friends  in 
the  Middle  and  Southern  colonies.  Perhaps  the  most  interesting, 
although  hardly  the  most  satisfactory,  were  the  four  steeds  he 
bought  from  Colonel  Peter  Randolph,  while  on  his  way  from 
Charleston  to  Portsmouth.  In  some  respects  they  were  the  best 
horses  in  the  world,  for,  according  to  their  purchaser,  they  could 
neither  tire  with  labor  nor  starve  though  without  food.  "But," 
wrote  he,  "  they  are  not  adapted  for  this  pious  country.  They 
will  not  draw  my  chariot  on  Sunday;  each  pair  have  run  fusty 
and  restive  on  that  day,  maugre  whip  and  spur,  but  on  other  days 
are  orderly  enough.  I  begin  to  be  suspicious  they  are  heretical, 
and  as  fire  and  faggot  seldom  reclaim  schismatics,  I  have  ordered 
them  to  have  no  more  Sunday  chastisements,  lest  (like  Rousseau) 
they  glory  in  the  sufferings  of  obstinacy."  2 

Second  only  to  his  horses  were  the  Governor's  carriages.  These 
varied  in  capacity  and  style  from  the  stately  coach  to  "a  little 
sulky  one-horse  chair  for  one  person,"  which  was  made  to  order 
at  Philadelphia  in  accordance  with  Wentworth's  minute  instruc- 
tions. His  specifications  called  for  a  sulky  "  on  steel  springs,  with 
wheels  at  least  four  inches  lower  than  our  good  friend  Mr.  Fox- 
croft's,  to  be  painted  the  lightest  straw-color  and  gilt  mouldings, 
with  my  crest  and  cypher  (as  on  the  seal  of  this  letter)  inclosed 
in  a  plain  oval  without  the  least  ornament,  and  rather  in  a  small 
compass."  It  is  safe  to  assume  that  neither  before  nor  since  that 
day  has  Portsmouth  beheld  a  smarter  sporting  rig  than  this. 

In  the  early  autumn  of  1769,  Copley,  who  had  already  achieved 
the  reputation  of  being  the  best  portrait-painter  in  America,  was 

1.  Brewster's  Rambles,  i,  112. 

2.  John  tVentworth  to  William  Byrd,  June  23,  1767. 


68  Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

invited  to  Portsmouth  to  try  his  skill  in  delineating  the  features 
of  the  Governor  of  New  Hampshire.1  This  was  not  the  first  por- 
trait for  which  Wentworth  sat,  however,  for  in  the  summer  of 
1766  "Wilson  of  Great  Queen  Street,  Long  Acre,"  had  produced 
a  very  artistic  picture  of  him.2  In  it  one  sees  Wentworth  holding 
in  his  hand  a  scroll,  which  was  doubtless  intended  to  represent 
his  commission,  for  it  bears  the  words  "New  Hampshire"  on  a 
surface  which  catches  the  light.  This  portrait  was  presented  to 
the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  and  still  hangs  in  the  gallery  of 
Wentworth  House  (now  Wentworth  Woodhouse)  in  Yorkshire. 
Probably  the  Governor  departed  for  America  before  the  picture 
was  completed,  for  in  a  letter  written  to  a  relative  in  England  a 
few  years  later  he  asked,  "Is  it  a  likeness?"  And  that  is  precisely 
the  question  which  comes  to  our  minds  today,  especially  when  we 
compare  the  Wilson  portrait  with  the  equally  beautiful  and  some- 
how more  convincing  picture  which  Copley  drew  at  Portsmouth 
in  the  autumn  of  1769.  The  latter  is  a  pastel  of  great  beauty.  It 
shows  us  the  face  of  a  handsome,  intelligent  aristocrat,  giving  the 
general  impression  of  amiability  but  saved  from  weakness  by  a 
resolute  New  England  chin.  One  would  expect  such  a  man  to  be 
the  best  of  good  company  on  almost  any  occasion,  but  one  would 
be  careful  not  to  take  undue  advantage  of  his  good  nature. 
Whether  the  Copley  pastel  was  really  the  better  likeness  of  the 
two  no  one  can  say,  but  it  certainly  emphasizes  the  qualities 
which  we  inevitably  associate  with  John  Wentworth,  —  amia- 
bility, intelligence,  resolution,  and  physical  vigor.3 

1 .  "  I  expect  Copley  here  next  week  to  take  my  picture  which  I  kindly  thank 
you  for  accepting."  John  Wentworth  to  Paul  Wentworth,  October  27,  1769. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  Paul  Wentworth,  October  27,  1769. 

3.  According  to  a  memorandum  in  the  Governor's  letter-book,  the  original 
portrait  was  sent  to  his  favorite  kinsman,  Paul  Wentworth  "in  Poland  St., 
Soho,  London,"  on  January  6,  1770.  Copley  made  a  copy  for  his  Excellency 
and  sent  it  to  Portsmouth  in  the  following  spring.    See  Massachusetts  His- 


Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr.  69 

In  the  midst  of  Copley's  visit  an  event  occurred  which,  as  far 
as  Wentworth  was  concerned,  made  the  progress  of  his  portrait  a 
matter  of  little  importance.  On  the  twenty-eighth  of  October, 
Theodore  Atkinson,  Jr.,  the  secretary  of  the  province,  died 
"after  many  years'  decline."  Atkinson  was  an  estimable  young 
man,  and  to  the  community  as  a  whole  it  seemed  a  pity  that  he 
should  die  of  consumption  at  the  early  age  of  thirty-three  years, 
especially  as  he  was  an  only  son.  His  widow  was  the  daughter  of 
Samuel  Wentworth,  a  prominent  Boston  merchant,  who  was  a 
brother  of  Mrs.  Atkinson,  Sr.,  and  of  Mark  Hunking  Went- 
worth. Hence  the  young  lady  must  have  been  a  first  cousin  of 
her  late  husband,  and  also  of  the  Governor.  It  is  equally  certain 
that  she  was  one  of  the  most  beautiful  women  in  America.  Fortu- 
nately for  us,  Copley  painted  her  portrait  in  1765  and  preserved 
for  all  time  her  appearance  at  nineteen  or  twenty.  Artists  may 
expatiate  upon  Copley's  skill  in  depicting  the  lights  and  shadows 
in  her  satin  gown,  but  the  attention  and  interest  of  the  lay  ob- 
server are  captured  by  the  exquisite  beauty  of  Mrs.  Atkinson's 
face  and  form.1  Quality  is  apparent  in  every  feature  and  line. 
There  is  not  a  great  amount  of  character,  to  be  sure,  but  an  abun- 

torical  Society's  Collections,  lxxi,  88.  One  of  these  pastels  is  now  owned  by 
Mrs.  Gordon  Abbott  of  Boston;  the  other  is  in  the  possession  of  Miss  Susan 
J.  Wentworth  of  Portsmouth. 

J.  Winslow  Peirce,  Esq.,  of  Portsmouth,  owns  an  oil  portrait  of  Governor 
Wentworth,  which  is  attributed  to  Copley.  Of  this  picture  Professor  Barrett 
Wendell  has  kindly  given  me  the  following  description:  "The  figure  re- 
sembles that  in  the  pastel,  and  is  similarly  posed,  showing  the  same  side  of 
the  face  at  about  the  same  angle.  The  face  is  much  handsomer,  though;  the 
nose  looks  longer  and  more  delicate,  and  there  is  no  trace  of  the  supercilious 
air  which  one  feels  in  the  pastel.  The  coat  is  red  velvet,  with  gold  braid  along 
the  edge;  it  is  cut  much  like  that  in  the  pastel.  The  waistcoat,  less  evident 
than  in  the  pastel,  looks  like  red  satin.  There  is  a  fine  shirt-frill,  —  at  that 
time,  I  think,  a  new  fashion." 

1.  The  portrait,  now  somewhat  restored,  is  in  the  gallery  of  the  New  York 
Public  Library. 


70  Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

dance  of  animation,  grace,  and  charm;  and  one  is  not  surprised  to 
learn  that  Theodore  Atkinson,  Jr.  married  her  before  her  seven- 
teenth birthday.  After  eight  years  of  married  life,  and  without 
children,  she  was  now  a  widow  at  twenty-four,  —  but  her  widow- 
hood was  not  to  be  of  long  duration. 

Atkinson's  funeral  took  place  on  the  afternoon  of  November  I, 
1769,  upon  which  occasion  the  chief  executive  directed  that 
minute  guns  be  discharged  at  the  Castle,  and  on  board  a  warship 
in  the  harbor,  in  honor  of  the  deceased.1  Ten  days  later  the  fol- 
lowing despatch  was  sent  to  the  Boston  News  Letter: 

This  morning  His  Excellency  John  Wentworth,  Esq.,  our  worthy 
and  beloved  Governor,  was  married  by  the  Rev.  Mr.  Brown,  to  Mrs. 
Atkinson,  Relict  of  the  Hon.  Theodore  Atkinson,  jun.  Esq.,  deceased. 
A  Lady  adorned  with  every  Accomplishment  requisite  to  make  the 
Marriage  State  agreeable.  Long!  may  this  amiable  and  illustrious 
Couple  live  happily  (Blessings  to  each  other  and  all  around  them)  in 
this  World,  and  may  [they]  be  the  Crown  of  each  other's  Joy  in  the 
next,  when  the  great  Governor  of  all  Worlds  shall  make  up  his  Jewells. 
The  Day  is  spending  in  innocent  Mirth  —  the  Colours  of  the  Shipping 
in  the  Harbour  are  displayed  —  all  the  Bells  are  ringing  —  and  the 
Cannon  roaring,  —  in  a  word  Joy  sits  smiling  in  every  Countenance 
on  this  happy  Occasion  —  Happy,  thrice  happy  the  Ruler!  thus  riv- 
eted in  the  Hearts  and  Affections  of  his  people.2 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Captain  Bellew,  October  31,  1769. 
1.  Massachusetts  Gazette:  and  Boston  News-Letter,November  17, 1769.  The 
New  Hampshire  Gazette  contained  a  similar  item,  to  which  the  inspired  editor 
ventured  to  add: 

"  May  this  thrice  happy,  happy  Pair! 
Be  Heav'n's  peculiar  Charge  and  Care: 
Unerring  Wisdom  guide  their  Way; 
Their  Joys  increase  with  each  new  Day, 
Until  their  pleasant  Scenes  arise 
To  th'  top  of  Bliss,  beneath  the  Skies! 
At  some  far  distant,  distant  Time, 
Quit  every  Scene  in  this  low  Clime, 
Rise  to  Heav'n's  Empyrean  Ground! 
And  with  Eternal  Life  be  Crown'd." 


Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr.  71 

Not  long  after  their  wedding  the  Governor  had  occasion  to 
christen  a  newly  incorporated  town  in  the  central  part  of  the 
province.  Naturally  he  chose  the  name  of  his  bride  and  called 
the  area  Francestown.  About  the  same  time  he  gave  her  mother's 
maiden  name  to  the  township  of  Deering,  just  as  he  had  already 
given  that  of  his  own  maternal  ancestor  to  Rindge. 

For  a  number  of  years  John  Wentworth  and  his  lady  were  not 
blessed  with  children  of  their  own,  but  the  Governor  made  him- 
self a  very  fatherly  uncle  to  the  sons  and  daughters  of  his  brother 
Thomas,  who  had  died  in  1768.  Thomas  Wentworth  was  two  or 
three  years  younger  than  his  more  famous  brother  and  is  now  re- 
membered chiefly  as  the  original  occupant  of  the  Wentworth- 
Gardner  house  which,  according  to  Portsmouth  tradition,  was 
built  for  him  by  his  generous  father.1  He  married  at  an  early  age 
and  was  the  father  of  five  interesting  children,  two  boys  and 
three  girls.  Soon  after  Thomas's  death  his  widow  married  Cap- 
tain Bellew,  a  naval  officer,  whereupon  the  responsibility  for 
bringing  up  and  educating  her  children  devolved  largely  upon  the 
Governor.  He  assumed  the  burden  with  cheerfulness,  in  fact  even 
with  enthusiasm,  and  one  of  his  reports  concerning  the  progress 
of  his  nephews  and  nieces  is  worth  repeating: 

There  are  not  in  America  three  finer  girls;  Betsy  is  at  an  eminent 
boarding-school  lately  set  up  in  Newburyport;  the  other  two  attend 
schools  proper  for  their  age.  Mark  is  yet  with  Mr.  Emerson  at  Hollis: 
he  is  grown  a  fine  youth,  and  is  soon  to  return  to  me  to  attend  instruc- 
tions in  mathematics,  French,  fencing  and  dancing  to  qualify  him  for 
the  navy  which  is  his  passion,  and  wherein,  I  dare  say,  he  will  make  a 
good  figure.  I  have  kept  him  on  a  ship's  books  ever  since  you  went 
home.    John  is  under  the  care  of  Mr.  Murray,  where  he  makes  in- 

1.  This  building,  considered  a  perfect  type  of  Georgian  architecture,  has 
been  purchased  by  the  Metropolitan  Museum.  Probably  its  interior  wood- 
work will  be  removed  and  preserved  in  its  original  arrangement  in  the 
American  wing  of  the  New  York  institution. 


72  Mrs.  THEODORE  ATKINSON,  Jr. 

credible  progress  in  learning.  This  genius  was  too  good  for  a  common 
college  and  required  the  attention  of  some  extraordinary  man.1 

Nephews  and  nieces  are  among  this  world's  greatest  blessings, 
but  still  greater  happiness  was  in  store  for  John  Wentworth.  On 
January  20,  1775,  the  booming  of  guns  down  the  harbor  an- 
nounced to  all  Portsmouth  that  Mrs.  Wentworth  had  given  birth 
to  a  son.  "Had  a  young  prince  been  born  there  could  not  have 
been  more  rejoicing.  All  the  gentlemen  of  the  town  and  from  the 
King's  ships  came,  the  next  day,  to  pay  their  compliments.  The 
ladies  followed  and,  for  one  week,  there  were  cake  and  caudle 
wine,  etc.,  passing."  So  wrote  the  infant's  jubilant  grandmother 
soon  after  the  great  event.2  A  month  or  two  later  the  babe  was 
carried  to  Queen's  Chapel  and  was  there  baptized  in  the  presence 
of  his  admiring  family.  What  the  child  was  named,  and  why,  is 
recorded  in  a  letter  from  the  Governor  to  Captain  Holland,  who 
had  been  a  recent  guest  at  Wentworth's  unfinished  country-seat 
at  Wolfeborough. 

Last  week,  we  christianized  our  new  born  son,  whom  we  present  to 
you  by  the  name  of  Charles-Mary,  after  Lord  and  Lady  Rockingham 
at  their  request.  The  boy  is  well  and  hearty.  He  will  do  to  pull  up 
stumps  at  Wentworth  House. 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Henry  Bellew,  April  8, 1775.  The  precocious  John  ful- 
filled the  promise  of  his  youthful  genius  by  producing  an  elaborate  legal  work 
known  as  "Wentworth  on  Pleading."  Long  after  the  Revolution  he  returned 
to  Portsmouth,  married  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Michael  and  Martha  Hilton 
Wentworth,  and  resided  for  some  time  in  the  mansion  at  Little  Harbor. 

2.  The  letter  is  printed  in  full  in  Wentworth  Genealogy,  i,  317. 


CHAPTER   VII. 

ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

IN  the  autumn  of  1770  Benning  Wentworth  died  at  his  man- 
sion at  Little  Harbor.  As  no  children  survived  him,  the  gen- 
eral assumption  was  that  his  nephew,  the  young  Governor,  would 
be  his  principal  heir;  and  probably  no  one  held  this  opinion  more 
confidently  than  John  Wentworth  himself.  It  was  no  slight 
shock  to  the  community,  therefore,  to  learn  that  Uncle  Benning 
had  left  a  later  will,  which  favored  his  fair  widow,  Martha  Hilton 
Wentworth,  and  disappointed  every  one  else,  —  except  possibly 
Colonel  Michael  Wentworth,  who  married  the  bereaved  lady  two 
months  after  her  husband's  decease.1  It  will  be  remembered  that 
Benning  Wentworth  had  reserved  to  himself  five  hundred  acres 
in  each  township  granted  by  him,  and  thus  had  accumulated 
landed  property  amounting  to  over  one  hundred  thousand  acres. 
During  his  lifetime  no  one  questioned  his  title  to  this  territory, 
although  some  questioned  the  propriety  of  his  method  of  acquir- 
ing it.  Not  long  after  his  death,  however,  the  Governor  called  the 
attention  of  the  Council  to  the  fact  that  his  uncle,  as  an  officer  of 
the  Crown,  had  granted  these  lands  to  himself,  and  he  asked  if 
such  grants  were  legal.  The  members  of  the  Council  turned  the 
matter  over  in  their  minds  and  replied  in  the  negative,  their 
opinion  being  sustained  by  a  Boston  lawyer  named  Fitch.2  That 

1.  The  sensation  which  Benning  Wentworth's  will  created  in  Portsmouth  is 
graphically  described  in  a  letter  from  John  Hurd  to  Thomas  Westbrook  Wal- 
dron,  dated  October  15,  1770.  This  letter  is  preserved  in  the  third  volume  of 
the  "New  Hampshire  Manuscripts"  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 

2.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  xviii,  624;  John  Adams's  Works,  ii,  283. 


74  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

point  being  settled,  Wentworth  informed  the  Council  that  all  his 
uncle's  reservations,  with  two  or  three  exceptions,  had  remained 
unimproved,  and  he  asked  if  they  would  consent  to  his  regranting 
"said  tracts  to  such  of  his  Majesty's  subjects  as  should  settle  and 
cultivate  the  same."  According  to  the  minutes  of  the  meeting, 
the  advisory  board  agreed  to  the  proposition,  "  Peter  Livius,  Esq., 
dissenting,"  —  a  modifying  clause  which  was  destined  to  occasion 
no  small  amount  of  trouble. 

The  dissenting  member  seems  to  have  been  an  educated  man 
with  an  unusual  proclivity  for  misrepresentation.  Born  in  Eng- 
land in  1727,  he  came  to  America  about  the  year  1762  as  the  hus- 
band of  Anna  Elizabeth  Mason,  whose  father  had  been  a  great 
landowner  in  New  Hampshire.  Livius  was  well-to-do  to  a  degree 
which  made  him  opulent  in  Portsmouth,  and  this  fact,  taken  in 
connection  with  his  wife's  social  position,  persuaded  Benning 
Wentworth  that  he  would  make  an  appropriate  member  of  the 
Council,  to  which  he  was  appointed  in  1765.  Still  further  evi- 
dence of  the  elder  Wentworth's  favor  was  shown  when  he  created 
Livius  a  justice  of  the  inferior  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  In  John 
Wentworth's  esteem,  however,  he  did  not  occupy  so  high  a  po- 
sition. Soon  after  Wentworth  became  surveyor  general,  he  dis- 
covered that  Livius,  without  consulting  him,  had  taken  it  upon 
himself  to  propose  a  new  system  of  laws  for  the  regulation  of  his 
Majesty's  woods,  whereupon  the  Governor  observed,  "Although 
Mr.  Livius  is  a  learned  man,  I  perceive  from  his  ideas  of  reforma- 
tion that  he  is  totally  unacquainted  with  everything  relative  to 
the  service,"  —  which  was  probably  not  far  from  the  truth.1 

Be  that  as  it  may,  when  Livius  withheld  his  consent  from  the 
Governor's  proposed  resumption  and  distribution  of  Benning 
Wentworth's  questionable  grants,  he  declared  his  intention  to 
place  on  file  the  reasons  for  his  unique  position.    The  Council 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Durand  and  Bacon,  July  17,  1769. 


ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS  75 

made  no  objection,  and  a  week  later  Livius  handed  in  an  amaz- 
ing minority  opinion,  which  took  the  form  of  a  severe  indictment 
of  Governor  John  Wentworth  and  his  Council.  The  document 
opened  with  the  statement  that  the  Governor  wished  to  grant  the 
lands  in  question  to  his  own  use  through  the  medium  of  third 
parties,  and  that  the  Council,  Livius  excepted,  "did  accordingly 
consent."  Then  followed  a  series  of  misrepresentations  which 
were  intended  to  put  the  Governor  and  the  majority  of  his  ad- 
visers in  the  light  of  gross  maladministrators  of  government. 
When  the  accusations  were  read  in  meeting,  Wentworth  asked 
the  Council  if  they  had  changed  their  minds,  or  wished  to  make 
any  reply  to  the  dissentient,  to  which  they  rejoined  with  some 
heat  that  Livius  had  "so  mutilated  the  questions  and  so  prevari- 
cated in  rehearsing  the  Council's  answer,"  that  they  recom- 
mended that  a  true  copy  of  the  journal  of  the  previous  meeting 
be  written  on  the  back  of  his  "performance,  called  his  dissent."  ' 
The  protest  was  then  placed  on  file,  but  not  entered  upon  the 
journal,  and  there,  as  far  as  Governor  and  Council  were  con- 
cerned, the  matter  rested  for  the  time  being. 

In  the  course  of  the  year  1771  Livius  endeavored  to  make  po- 
litical capital  of  his  so-called  grounds  for  dissent,  and  to  create  a 
party  hostile  to  the  Governor.  With  this  end  in  view,  he  circu- 
lated copies  of  his  mendacious  document  in  channels  where  it 
might  find  credence,  or  at  least  sympathy,  and  ere  long  he  dis- 
covered not  a  few  malcontents.  Benning  Wentworth 's  widow, 
now  Mrs.  Michael  Wentworth,  naturally  favored  any  movement 
which  would  prevent  her  losing  title  to  the  thousands  of  acres  she 
had  recently  inherited.  Then  there  were  the  Langdon  brothers, 
Woodbury  and  his  handsome  brother  John;  they  had  no  par- 
ticular grievance  against  the  Governor,  but  they  had  never  quite 
understood  why  Wentworth  and  his  aristocratic  friends  kept 

I.  New  Hampshire  Slate  Papers,  xviii,  638-639. 


76  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

them  politically  at  arm's  length.1  In  fact,  if  one  went  about  it  in 
the  right  way,  he  could  discover  in  and  about  Portsmouth  a  num- 
ber of  people  who  had  nothing  to  lose  and  perhaps  something  to 
gain  by  encouraging  Peter  Livius  in  his  intrigue.  Furthermore, 
although  New  Hampshire  people  as  a  whole  still  looked  askance 
at  the  rebellious  activities  of  the  other  colonies,  political  unrest 
was  in  the  air,  and  it  was  not  difficult  to  shake  men's  faith  in  the 
existing  order  of  things. 

It  was  not  long  before  John  Wentworth  awoke  to  the  situation 
and  realized  its  dangers,  both  to  himself  and  to  the  government. 
Two  courses  were  open  to  him;  he  might  try  to  buy  off  Livius  — 
for  he  did  not  doubt  that  he  had  his  price  —  or  he  might  submit 
to  a  tiresome  investigation.  Under  the  prevailing  conditions  the 
former  would  have  been  the  easier  method,  but  the  Governor  de- 
liberately chose  the  other  course,  assured  that  his  own  integrity 
and  the  good  sense  of  his  fellow-citizens  would  vindicate  him  and 
defeat  his  adversary.2  In  the  meantime,  Livius  communicated 
his  grievance  to  the  Colonial  Secretary  in  England,  and  in  the 
summer  of  1772  he  crossed  the  ocean  in  order  to  make  Went- 
worth's  downfall  a  certainty. 

Livius  had  not  been  in  England  many  days  before  he  lodged 
with  the  Board  of  Trade  a  formal  complaint,  accusing  the  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  of  maladministration  on  seven  specific  counts 
as  follows: 

1.  That  Wentworth  and  his  advisers,  "without  the  intervention 
of  a  jury  or  any  legal  process,"  had  dispossessed  the  grantees  of  many 
large  tracts  of  land,  and  had  granted  them  to  other  persons,  on  the 
mere  suggestion  that  the  original  assignees  had  not  fulfilled  the  con- 
ditions of  their  grant. 

2.  That  since  the  year  1741  no  account  had  been  presented  of  that 
part  of  the  provincial  revenue  commonly  called  "powder  money"; 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  November  9,  1774. 

2.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  499. 


ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS  77 

and  that  when  the  Assembly  had  voted  an  inquiry  in  1768,  the  Gov- 
ernor and  his  Council  had  killed  the  bill. 

3.  That  soon  after  the  decease  of  Benning  Wentworth,  the  Gov- 
ernor asked  the  Council  to  consent  to  his  granting  to  himself,  but 
through  other  persons,  all  the  tracts  of  land  which  his  predecessor  had 
reserved  for  his  own  use,  the  Governor  alleging  that  such  reservations 
made  by  his  late  uncle  were  void;  that  the  Council  gave  its  consent  to 
this  arrangement,  and  furthermore  prevented  Livius  from  recording 
his  protesting  dissent  until  "near  twelve  months  after." 

4.  That  in  consequence  of  his  opposition  he  had  been  "very  in- 
juriously treated,  and  at  one  time  received  much  personal  abuse  from 
the  Governor." 

5.  That  Wentworth,  "among  other  illegal  and  unworthy  acts," 
had  changed  the  judges  "several  times"  in  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas 
in  order  to  obtain  a  favorable  judgment  upon  a  particular  case  in 
which  he  was  interested. 

6.  That  the  Governor,  in  disobedience  of  his  Majesty's  instructions, 
had  taken  care  not  to  send  a  copy  of  the  journal  of  the  Council  to  the 
home  authorities,  in  order  "better  to  keep  out  of  sight  the  practices  of 
himself  and  his  Council." 

7.  That  John  Wentworth  had  filled  the  Council  with  his  relatives, 
a  fact  which,  in  conjunction  with  the  "extraordinary  proceedings" 
already  enumerated,  indicated  that  there  existed  in  the  administration 
of  New  Hampshire  "a  connected  and  deep  laid  system  of  injustice."  1 

This  was  Peter  Livius's  indictment,  and  it  seemed  not  at  all  un- 
likely that  it  would  convince  the  Board  of  Trade,  for  the  com- 
plainant was  on  the  spot  whereas  the  defendant  and  his  advisers 
were  three  thousand  miles  away. 

The  Board  of  Trade  sent  copies  of  Livius's  memorial  to  Gov- 
ernor Wentworth  and  to  his  Council  and  awaited  their  replies  be- 
fore acting  upon  it.  Naturally  Wentworth  gave  the  matter  his 
immediate  and  vigorous  attention.  First  he  prepared  his  answer 
to  the  several  articles  of  complaint,  and  collected  depositions 
from  representative  citizens  to  support  his  statements,  as  directed 
by  the  Board  of  Trade.   He  likewise  afforded  the  supporters  of 

1.  New  Hampshire  Slate  Papers,  xviii,  623-625. 


78  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

Livius  an  opportunity  to  hand  in  affidavits  sustaining  their  leader, 
although  this  offer  did  not  prove  to  be  productive  of  positive  re- 
sults. Before  departing  for  England,  Livius  had  entrusted 
Samuel  Livermore,  the  attorney  general  of  the  province,  with  the 
care  of  his  interests,  and  to  him,  therefore,  the  Governor  dele- 
gated the  matter  of  collecting  testimony  in  favor  of  the  trouble- 
maker, suggesting  that  Woodbury  Langdon  "  and  the  gentleman 
who  married  the  late  governor's  widow"  might  be  appropriate 
persons  to  interview.  But  after  two  months  Livermore  reported 
that  those  gentlemen  "declared  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
affair,"  and  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts  he  had  been  unable  to  dis- 
cover any  citizens  who  were  willing  to  make  affidavits  in  support 
of  Livius.1  It  should  be  added,  however,  that  the  complainant, 
acting  for  himself,  succeeded  in  procuring  two  or  three  depositions 
which  dwelt  upon  the  difficulty  of  meeting  the  conditions  imposed 
upon  proprietors  of  new  townships,  exposed  in  detail  the  family 
relationship  existing  between  the  Governor  and  eight  members  of 
the  Council,  and  testified  to  Livius's  good  character.2 

In  the  meantime  Wentworth  completed  the  preparation  of  his 
defense,  in  which,  point  by  point,  he  answered  the  seven  charges 
made  against  him  by  his  adversary.  His  reply  was  as  follows: 3 

i.  That  an  opinion  of  Sir  Dudley  Ryder  and  the  Honorable 
William  Murray  (the  Attorney  General  and  Solicitor  General  of  Great 
Britain)  in  1752  declared  the  Crown  might  resume  lands  granted  on 
conditions  of  settling  within  a  stated  time,  if  at  the  expiration  of  that 
period  no  settlement  had  been  made.  "That  proper  care  was  always 
taken  to  do  strict  justice  to  the  first  grantees,  and  that  no  land  was 
regranted  without  full  evidence  that  no  settlement  was  made  upon  it 
pursuant  to  the  conditions  of  the  grant."  And  finally  that  a  clause  in 
the  charters,  reserving  to  the  Crown  a  right  to  regrant  the  land  im- 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  xviii,  616. 
1.  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  {Colonial  Series),  vi,  535. 
3.  Wentworth's  defense  is  summarized  in  the  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council 
{Colonial  Series),  vi,  532-533. 


ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS  79 

mediately  if  the  terms  were  not  met  by  the  proprietors,  indicated  that 
the  intervention  of  a  jury  was  not  considered  necessary  in  such  cases. 

2.  That  the  powder  money  had  been  regularly  collected,  and  that 
the  question  of  an  inquiry  regarding  its  disposition  did  not  concern 
the  Governor,  but  merely  the  Council  and  the  Assembly. 

3.  That  the  unexpected  change  in  Benning  Wentworth's  will  had 
not  in  any  degree  influenced  the  Governor  in  the  matter  of  regranting 
the  land  in  question;  and  that  he  had  no  private  interest  in  any  of  the 
tracts,  which  were  now  regranted  to  persons  who  would  cultivate  them. 

4.  That,  in  spite  of  provocation,  he  had  never  subjected  Livius  to 
any  personal  abuse,  but  that  he  had  not  reappointed  him  to  the  judge's 
office  because  of  his  partiality  and  malpractices  while  a  justice  of  the 
Court  of  Common  Pleas,  and  because  his  finances  were  in  a  disordered 
state. 

5.  That  the  judges  had  been  changed  in  a  case  in  which  he  was 
interested,  not  in  order  to  insure  a  favorable  verdict,  but  in  accord- 
ance with  the  custom  of  the  provincial  judiciary  which  prevented 
any  judge  from  sitting  upon  a  case  in  which  he  had  been  of  counsel 
to  either  party. 

6.  That  the  secretary  of  the  province  had  failed  to  inform  him  that 
the  records  of  the  Council,  when  sitting  as  an  executive  body,  should 
be  transmitted  to  England;  that  they  had,  nevertheless,  been  properly 
kept  and  were  at  all  times  open  to  those  who  wished  to  examine  them. 

7.  That  he  had  only  one  blood  relative  who  ever  attended  meetings 
of  the  Council,  and  that  he  had  never  recommended  that  any  such  be 
appointed  to  that  body.1 

1 .  This  statement  was  accurate,  although  the  ties  of  kinship  between  Gov- 
ernor and  Council  were  astounding.  One  should  bear  in  mind,  however,  that 
Wentworth  merely  inherited  the  "family  government"  established  by  his 
predecessor.    In  1771  the  list  read  as  follows: 

Theodore  Atkinson,  the  Governor's  uncle  by  marriage. 

Daniel  Warner,  the  father  of  Jonathan  Warner;  see  below. 

Mark  Hunking  Wentworth,  the  Governor's  father. 

Peter  Livius. 

Jonathan  Warner,  the  Governor's  cousin  by  marriage. 

Daniel  Rindge,  the  Governor's  uncle. 

Daniel  Peirce,  the  Governor's  uncle  by  marriage. 

George  Jaffrey,  the  son  of  George  Jaffrey,  whose  second  wife  was  the 
Governor's  aunt. 

Daniel  Rogers,  the  Governor's  uncle  by  marriage. 


80  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

In  a  separate  document  seven  members  of  the  Council  refuted 
Livius's  charges  against  them,  and  incidentally  sustained  Went- 
worth's  administration  throughout.  The  two  sets  of  papers  were 
fortified  by  a  sheaf  of  affidavits  made  by  a  number  of  New  Hamp- 
shire men  who  were  glad  to  rally  to  the  aid  of  their  governor. 
Besides  these  depositions  there  were  general  letters  of  commenda- 
tion from  the  leading  members  of  the  clergy,  —  Doctor  Samuel 
Langdon,  Doctor  Haven,  Jeremy  Belknap,  and  others  of  their 
stamp.1  Towards  the  end  of  December,  1772,  the  pile  of  evidence 
was  practically  complete  and  Wentworth  entrusted  it  to  his  pri- 
vate secretary,  Thomas  Macdonogh,2  who  sailed  immediately  for 
England.  Arriving  at  London  in  the  latter  part  of  January,  Mac- 
donogh got  in  touch  with  Wentworth's  former  colleague,  Barlow 
Trecothick,  who  was  still  agent  for  the  province  of  New  Hamp- 
shire. Trecothick  was  well  known  in  political  circles  and  through 
him  the  Governor's  secretary  gained  access  to  Lord  Dartmouth, 
who  had  now  succeeded  Hillsborough  in  the  office  of  Colonial 
Secretary.  He  then  delivered  the  precious  papers  to  the  secretary 
of  the  Board  of  Trade  and  awaited  developments. 

The  Lords  of  Trade  acquainted  Livius  with  the  contents  of 
Wentworth's  communications,  and  in  March  received  from  him 
a  rebuttal,  accompanied  by  a  few  depositions  in  his  own  behalf. 
Then  the  Board  endeavored  to  come  to  a  decision  in  the  case. 
Wentworth  had  little  to  fear,  and  yet  it  was  essential  that  the 
verdict  should  be  in  his  favor,  for  although  their  Lordships  had  no 
executive  power,  their  recommendations  to  the  Privy  Council 
were  accepted  verbatim  by  the  latter  body  in  at  least  nine  cases 
out  of  ten.  The  King  and  Council  had  no  time  to  bother  with  de- 
tails, and  they  trusted  to  the  overworked  brains  of  the  advisory 

1.  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society's  Collections,  ix,  305-363. 

2.  After  the  Revolution  Macdonogh  was  British  consul  at  Boston,  where 
he  died  in  1805.   He  is  buried  in  Milton,  Massachusetts. 


ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS  81 

board  to  keep  them  on  the  right  track.  Had  Macdonogh  and 
Wentworth's  lawyers  had  a  free  hand,  probably  all  would  have 
gone  well,  but  for  some  unaccountable  reason  Treco thick  insisted 
that  they  should  not  use  the  "cloud  of  authentic  testimonies" 
%hich  vouched  for  the  Governor's  character.  This  blunder  left 
Wentworth's  reputation  at  the  mercy  of  his  enemy,  of  course, 
and,  if  taken  advantage  of,  could  not  fail  to  prejudice  the  Board 
against  him.1  On  the  tenth  day  of  May,  1773,  the  Lords  of  Trade 
met  and  sat  in  judgment  upon  the  case.  To  the  amazement  of  all 
concerned,  they  decided  that  John  Wentworth  was  guilty  of  four 
of  the  offenses  of  which  he  was  accused;  and  since  this  was. so, 
they  questioned  "whether  Mr.  Wentworth's  conduct  in  the  mal- 
administration with  which  he  has  been  charged  has  been  such  as 
renders  him  a  fit  person  to  be  entrusted  with  your  Majesty's 
interests  in  the  important  station  he  now  holds."  2  In  other 
words,  the  Board  practically  recommended  that  John  Wentworth 
be  dismissed  from  the  office  of  governor  of  New  Hampshire;  and 
there  was  only  one  chance  in  ten  that  the  Privy  Council  would 
not  put  that  recommendation  into  execution. 

The  joy  of  Peter  Livius  was  equaled  only  by  the  indignation  of 
Wentworth's  friends  in  England.  Something  must  be  done,  and 
it  must  be  done  quickly.  Macdonogh  naturally  turned  to  the 
Marquis  of  Rockingham.  His  Lordship  was  in  a  difficult  position. 
As  a  friend  of  Wentworth  he  wished  to  do  all  in  his  power  to  sup- 
port the  Governor;  on  the  other  hand,  the  political  situation  in 
England  was  such  that  he  might  do  more  harm  than  good  by  be- 
coming his  champion.  All  things  considered,  it  seemed  wiser  for 
him  to  remain  in  the  background,  and  to  leave  active  participa- 
tion in  the  affair  to  his  kinsman,  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth,  assisted 
by  Paul  Wentworth  and  Thomas  Macdonogh.   Sir  Thomas  was 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  344. 

2.  1 'bid.,  337-339- 


82  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

a  very  rich  baronet  who  resided  at  Bretton  Hall  in  Yorkshire.  He 
and  John  Wentworth  had  formed  a  friendship  during  the  latter's 
visit  to  England,  an  attachment  which  prompted  the  Governor  to 
send  an  occasional  present  to  Bretton  Hall  after  his  return  to  New 
Hampshire.  Once  the  gift  was  "a  baboon  and  two  squirrels "> 
at  another  time  it  was  "a  large  Newfoundland  water-dog";  and 
upon  yet  another  occasion  he  sent  his  congenial  kinsman  "a 
hamper  of  Madeira  wine,  a  bundle  of  fish  and  forty  trees"  from 
America.1  It  was  now  time  for  the  Baronet  to  return  the  courtesy. 
Paul  Wentworth  was  another  friend  worth  having;  yet  just  who 
he  was,  or  whence  he  came,  is  difficult  to  say.  All  we  know  is  that 
several  years  earlier  he  had  turned  up  at  Boston,  with  letters  of 
introduction  to  Samuel  Wentworth  of  that  town  and  to  Mark 
Hunking  Wentworth  of  Portsmouth.  He  came  from  the  West 
Indies,  was  intelligent  and  apparently  well-educated,  but  upon 
precisely  what  basis  the  Wentworth  brothers  accepted  him  as 
their  relative  does  not  appear.  Upon  his  wife's  death  he  found 
himself  a  "gentleman  of  large  property"  and  decided  to  see  what 
his  money  could  do  for  him  in  London.  He  moved  thither  and 
became  a  resident  of  the  metropolis.  According  to  the  Governor, 
Paul  was  his  "near  relation,  and  most  intimate,  dearest,  and  con- 
fidential friend,"  a  statement  which  is  amply  confirmed  by  their 
correspondence.  In  1773  Paul  Wentworth  was  in  London,  and  he 
did  not  hesitate  to  come  to  the  rescue  at  this  crisis  in  his  friend's 
career. 

Wentworth's  supporters  were  reasonably  confident  that  if  the 
Privy  Council  would  institute  an  independent  investigation,  re- 
gardless of  the  Board's  decision,  his  case  would  end  in  an  honor- 
able acquittal.     With  this  in  view,  therefore,  Sir  Thomas,  Paul, 

1.  In  February,  1772,  Wentworth  made  Sir  Thomas  one  of  the  proprietors 
of  a  new  township  in  the  heart  of  the  White  Mountains,  which  he  appropri- 
ately named  Bretton  Woods. 


ENEMIES  AND   FRIENDS  83 

and  Macdonogh  petitioned  the  King  to  make  a  special  inquiry  be- 
fore acting  in  the  matter.  To  their  intense  relief  this  prayer  was 
answered  in  the  affirmative,  and  on  June  thirtieth  the  case  was 
referred  to  the  Privy  Council  Committee  for  Plantation  Affairs 
for  fresh  consideration. 

In  the  meantime  Livius  and  his  friends  considered  the  Board  of 
Trade  recommendation  as  the  forerunner  of  certain  victory.  The 
document  was  printed  in  pamphlet  form  and  copies  were  immedi- 
ately sent  to  America,  where  its  receipt  caused  no  little  excite- 
ment. Wentworth  had  received  the  information  in  advance,  and, 
with  it,  assurance  from  his  friends  in  England  that  the  Privy 
Council  would  reject  the  Board's  recommendation.  This  was  en- 
couraging, but  the  Governor  kept  these  hopeful  tidings  to  himself 
in  order  to  discover  who  were  his  friends  and  who  were  his  ene- 
mies in  the  darkest  hour.  The  results  of  his  innocent  plot  are 
told  by  Wentworth  himself  in  the  following  words. 

It  succeeded.  Many  have  most  unexpectedly  declared  both  for  and 
against  me.  The  torrents  of  obloquy  overflow'd,  even  to  abuse  of  my 
servants  and  oblique  insults  to  Mrs.  W.,  who,  with  that  resolution  be- 
coming her  rank  and  name,  was  affected  toward  them  with  pity  and 
contempt.1 

In  another  part  of  the  same  letter  one  discerns  the  Governor's 
oscillations  between  gloom  and  confidence. 

Yet  the  event  of  war  is  precarious,  and  therefore  I  wish  to  see  an 
end  of  this  affair,  from  whence  issue  such  deluges  of  small  spite  and 
envious  malignity;  which,  like  the  buzz  of  muskitoes,  disturb  our  re- 
pose, tho'  they  can't  destroy  our  health.  The  variety  of  rumors 
spread  upon  the  late  pamphlet's  arrival  have  now  pretty  tho'ro'ly 
militated  each  other  into  silence.  In  a  few  days  they'l  be  still  more 
ridiculous. 

1.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  45. 


84  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

On  July  22,  and  again  on  July  29,  1773,  the  Committee  for 
Plantation  Affairs  listened  to  the  arguments  on  each  side  of  the 
Livius-Wentworth  case,  which  had  been  "  a  cause  of  much  public 
expectation  for  more  than  eighteen  months."  If  the  newspapers 
of  the  day  are  to  be  believed,  "  the  hearing  was  attended  by  a 
respectable  and  crowded  audience;  among  them  many  of  the 
principal  gentry  from  all  the  American  provinces  and  from  the 
West  India  Islands  were  present."  '  Another  month  dragged  by 
before  the  Committee  made  its  report,  and  then  six  weeks  more 
ere  the  world  learned  its  verdict: 

That  there  is  no  foundation  for  any  censure  upon  the  said  John 
Wentworth,  Esq.,  your  Majesty's  governor  of  New  Hampshire,  for 
any  of  the  charges  contained  in  Mr.  Livius's  complaint  against  him; 
whose  general  conduct,  in  the  administration  of  affairs  within  your 
Majesty's  government  of  New  Hampshire  is  represented  to  have 
tended  greatly  to  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  the  said  province. 

It  is  needless  to  add  that  the  King  in  Council  approved  the  com- 
mittee report,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to  "  the  said  complaint  of 
the  said  Peter  Livius." 

About  the  middle  of  December  the  good  news  reached  Ports- 
mouth. The  joy  of  the  province  was  considerably  diminished, 
however,  by  a  simultaneous  rumor  that  the  Crown  had  appointed 
Livius  chief  justice,  in  which  capacity  he  would  soon  return  to 
New  England.  The  story  had  more  foundation  than  most  of  its 
kind,  for  we  know  that  the  ever  well-meaning  Lord  Dartmouth, 
with  a  mistaken  idea  that  he  could  reconcile  the  two  men,  actu- 
ally elevated  the  complainant  to  this  office.2   Happily  for  John 

1.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  September  24,  1773. 

2.  P.  O.  Hutchinson's  Diary  and  Letters  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  \,  1 87. 
The  warrant  authorizing  Wentworth  to  make  this  appointment  is  signed 

by  Dartmouth  and  is  dated  January  14,  1774.  There  is  a  copy  of  it  in  the 
"  British  Transcripts  "  in  the  Library  of  Congress.  L  C  295 :  P.R.O.  CO.  324, 
53,  p.  20. 


ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS  85 

Wentworth  and  for  New  Hampshire,  however,  he  was  prevailed 
upon  to  retract  this  false  step.  Instead,  Livius  was  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  judiciary  in  the  province  of  Quebec,  where  he  soon 
got  into  a  dispute  with  the  governor,  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  which 
was  singularly  reminiscent  of  his  behavior  in  New  Hampshire.1 

The  citizens  of  Portsmouth  celebrated  the  vindication  of  their 
governor  by  giving  a  splendid  ball  in  his  honor.  This  must  have 
rejoiced  the  heart  of  Mrs.  Wentworth,  who  was  never  happier  nor 
more  at  home  than  in  a  ball-room;  but  her  husband  probably 
found  deeper  satisfaction  in  an  unexpected  address  of  congratu- 
lation from  the  citizens  of  a  town  in  the  Merrimac  Valley.  As  a 
genuine  and  spontaneous  tribute  to  the  last  royal  governor  of 
New  Hampshire,  it  deserves  reproduction  in  these  pages. 

The  inhabitants  of  the  town  of  Londonderry  beg  leave  to  approach 
your  Excellency,  and  express  their  sentiments  of  gratitude  and  affec- 
tion to  your  Excellency's  person  and  administration.  We  esteem  it  a 
peculiar  mark  of  the  favour  of  his  gracious  Majesty  that  he  has  ap- 
pointed to  the  supreme  command  here  a  gentleman  whose  birth  and 
education  have  been  in  the  province  over  which  he  presides.  From  the 
circumstances  and  your  Excellency's  known  character,  we  early  con- 
ceived the  most  sanguine  hopes  from  your  administration.  Nor  have 
we  been  disappointed.  The  unabated  attention  you  have  given  to  the 
interests  of  the  province  has  not  only  been  felt  by  the  people  of  your 
charge,  but  has  been  observed  (we  had  almost  said  envied)  by  our 
neighbours  who  are  without  the  limits  of  your  jurisdiction.  The  culti- 
vation of  land  within  the  government,  and  the  extension  of  settle- 
ments even  to  regions  that  were  scarce  known  when  your  Excellency 
came  to  the  chair,  must  be  attributed  in  a  great  measure  to  your  care 
and  the  benignity  of  your  government.  But  it  has  not  been  in  this 
view  alone  that  you  have  been  the  patron  of  this  people.  To  extend 
settlements  or  to  cultivate  lands  while  the  people  that  settle  and  culti- 
vate are  without  the  means  of  knowledge,  might  be  rather  injurious 
than  beneficial.  But  these  have  not  escaped  your  Excellency's  atten- 
tion.   The  institution  of  a  college  in  the  wilderness,  and  the  liberal 


1.  Acts  of  the  Privy  Council  {Colonial  Series),  v,  464-471. 


86  ENEMIES  AND  FRIENDS 

encouragement  it  has  received  from  your  hand  is  abundant  evidence 
of  this  attention. 

We  cannot  help  mentioning  as  a  peculiar  happiness  of  the  people 
under  your  Excellency's  charge,  that  your  ears  have  always  been  open 
to  their  voice.  The  easy  access  they  have  gained  and  the  polite  recep- 
tion they  have  met  with  from  you,  has  afforded  them  the  means  of 
communicating,  and  your  Excellency  of  receiving,  all  necessary  infor- 
mation of  their  wishes  and  their  wants. 

We  have  been  excited  to  make  this  address  to  your  Excellency  as  a 
testimonial  of  our  sense  of  your  benign  administration,  and  as  an  evi- 
dence of  our  opinion  of  any  suggestions  that  may  have  been  made  to 
the  prejudice  of  your  Excellency  in  these  respects,  and  to  assure  you 
of  our  loyalty  to  the  King,  and  of  our  affection  to  your  person. 


CHAPTER    VIII. 

WOLFEBOROUGH 

ONE  of  John  Wentworth's  youthful  dreams  had  been  to  pos- 
sess a  country  estate  in  the  upland  regions  of  his  native 
province.  While  still  in  his  teens  he  weighed  the  relative  merits 
of  various  districts,  and  thought  seriously  of  establishing  himself 
in  the  lower  Cohoss,  which  had  recently  been  rediscovered  and 
was  considered  a  paragon  of  fertility  by  our  ancestors.  Some- 
times that  promising  part  of  the  Connecticut  Valley  seemed  a  bit 
remote  even  to  one  who  loved  adventure,  especially  while  the 
French  and  Indian  War  was  in  progress,  "but,"  Wentworth 
wrote  to  a  friend  in  Boston,  "I  determine  to  go  into  the  country, 
and  perhaps  there."  '  A  few  years  later  he  wrote  in  the  same 
strain,  "A  country  life  ever  had  many  charms  for  me,"  2  but  the 
long  war  and  his  subsequent  visit  to  England  deferred  the  realiza- 
tion of  his  dream.  Probably  his  thoughts  turned  toward  the 
Cohoss  because  his  Uncle  Benning  had  made  him  a  proprietor  in 
two  or  three  towns  in  that  region. 

A  little  later,  as  we  have  seen,  he  became  one  of  the  grantees  of 
the  township  of  Wolfeborough,  which,  as  a  place  of  residence,  had 
two  advantages  over  Dorchester  or  Lyme;  it  was  more  accessible, 
being  but  fifty  miles  northwest  of  Portsmouth,  and  it  bordered 
upon  a  large  and  beautiful  lake,  which  Wentworth  and  his  friends 
referred  to  as  Winnipesiokett  Pond.  As  a  commercial  proposition 

i .  "  Dering  Manuscripts,"  i,  14.  These  interesting  papers  are  in  the  posses- 
sion of  Miss  Cornelia  Horsford,  of  Sylvester  Manor,  Shelter  Island,  New 
York,  who  kindly  granted  the  author  the  privilege  of  examining  them. 

1.  lbid.,\,T). 


88  WOLFEBOROUGH 

Wolfeborough  did  not  develop  as  rapidly  as  the  proprietors  could 
have  wished,  although  the  committee  consisting  of  Dr.  Cutter, 
Paul  March,  and  John  Wentworth  did  its  utmost  to  persuade 
possible  settlers  to  see  the  advantages  of  their  township.  There- 
fore, while  Wentworth  was  in  England,  a  new  scheme  was  tried. 
The  proprietors  divided  their  territory  into  a  number  of  tracts  of 
various  dimensions  but  of  supposedly  equal  value.  Then  they 
drew  lots,  in  more  senses  than  one,  and  thereafter  each  man 
assumed  responsibility  for  the  development  of  his  own  domain. 
Wentworth  drew  Lot  No.  7,  which  was  situated  near  the  eastern 
corner  of  the  township  and  comprised  about  six  hundred  and  fifty 
acres.  It  so  happened  that  this  was  about  the  most  forbidding 
piece  of  land  of  them  all  —  a  rectangle  containing  nothing  but 
steep  hills  and  rocky  woodlands  —  and  might  well  have  ended 
its  owner's  enthusiasm  for  Wolfeborough  or  even  his  determina- 
tion to  reside  in  the  country.1  More  fortunate  was  his  brother 
Thomas  who  was  allotted  a  triangular  tract  of  comparatively 
level  ground  on  the  southeastern  shore  of  a  small  lake  called 
Smith's  Pond.2 

The  Governor's  land  commanded  a  superb  view,  to  be  sure,  but 
man  cannot  live  by  view  alone,  and  therefore  the  owner,  un- 
daunted by  his  bad  luck,  began  negotiations  for  a  more  favorable 
location.  Looking  southwestward  from  the  arid  ridge  which  ran 
across  his  allotted  holding,  his  eye  rested  first  upon  the  shining 
waters  of  Smith's  Pond,  then  upon  the  much  greater  surface  of 
Winnipesaukee,  broken  by  the  intervening  hills  into  strips  of  sil- 
ver, and  finally  upon  the  reassuring  outline  of  the  mountains  of 

1.  The  lot  included  a  large  part  of  Cotton  Mountain,  then  known  as  Cutter's 
Hill.  See  Parker's  History  of  Wolfeborough,  p.  22,  and  the  map  in  New  Hamp- 
shire State  Papers,  xxviii,  472.  Wentworth's  further  acquisitions  are  shown  on 
a  plan  in  the  latter  work,  xxviii,  479. 

2.  Point  Breeze  and  a  part  of  Pleasant  Valley.  Smith's  Pond  is  now  called 
Lake  Wentworth. 


WOLFEBOROUGH  89 

central  New  Hampshire.  How  could  he  possess  that  splendid  out- 
look and  yet  reside  upon  a  reasonably  arable  plantation?  The 
hither  shore  of  Smith's  Pond  offered  the  most  favorable  solution 
of  the  problem.  Wentworth  had  little  difficulty  in  buying  from 
fellow-proprietors  all  the  land  bordering  the  northern  side  of  the 
smaller  lake,  and  soon  found  himself  in  possession  of  about  four 
thousand  acres  well  suited  to  his  needs,  in  addition  to  some  land 
which  he  regarded  purely  as  an  investment.1  The  entire  trans- 
action cost  him  less  than  seven  hundred  and  fifty  guineas. 

When  the  spring  of  1768  came  slowly  northward,  Wentworth's 
"designations  in  the  wilderness,"  as  he  termed  them,  began  to 
assume  concrete  form.  The  Governor  sent  Benjamin  Hart  and 
William  Webb  "on  their  first  expedition,  to  clear  a  few  acres  and 
build  an  humble  habitation  at  Wolfboro  "  for  hfm.  Hart  was  to 
be  the  overseer  of  the  plantation,  and  Webb  was  "  to  reside  there 
as  farmer  in  future."  2  It  was  a  very  unpretentious  beginning,  but 
Wentworth's  lively  imagination  gave  him  a  picture  of  Wolfe- 
borough  as  he  intended  it  should  be  ten  years  hence,  when  his 
mansion,  Wentworth  House,  would  be  the  center  of  a  happy, 
vigorous  community  composed  of  the  "people  of  all  nations." 
A  post  road  connecting  Portsmouth  and  Canada  would  pass 
through  the  township  and  thus  insure  it  against  isolation.  This 
was  important,  for  Wolfeborough  was  to  be  not  merely  the  sum- 
mer residence  of  the  Governor;  he  intended  to  live  there  the 
greater  part  of  the  year  "if  not  the  whole,"  making  visits  to 
Portsmouth  only  when  affairs  of  state  demanded  his  presence  at 
the  capital.3  Such  was  Wentworth's  dream  in  1768,  and  only  his 
intense  love  of  a  fair  lady,  who  never  learned  "to  prefer  a  grove 
to  a  ball-room,"  could  bring  him  to  abandon  it  without  a  mur- 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Harrison,  September  24,  1769. 

2.  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society's  Collections,  iii,  283-284. 

3.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Trumbull,  September  24,  1769. 


90  WOLFEBOROUGH 

mur.    In  1768  he  was  still  a  bachelor  and  made  his  plans  ac- 
cordingly. 

For  the  site  of  Wentworth  House  the  Governor  chose  a  small 
wooded  plain  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  northeast  of  Smith's  Pond. 
Soon  the  trees  were  felled  on  about  one  hundred  acres,  and  a  little 
more  than  one-half  of  that  area  was  cleared.  Then  in  the  midst  of 
the  stumps  and  brush  arose  the  frame  of  a  substantial  mansion, 
one  hundred  and  four  feet  long  and  forty-two  feet  wide,  "  built  of 
the  best,  and  by  the  best  workmen  in  that  country."  In  May, 
1769,  the  house  was  habitable,  although  far  from  finished.  As 
years  went  on,  however,  it  developed  into  one  of  the  finest  houses 
in  New  England,  containing  among  other  features  a  "great 
dancing-room"  forty  feet  long.  Other  buildings  and  appurte- 
nances soon  appeared,  which  Wentworth  described  as  follows: 
"One  stable  and  coach  house,  62  feet  long,  40  feet  wide  and  24 
post.  One  other  stable  of  same  dimensions.  One  barn,  106  feet 
by  40,  and  17  or  18  feet  post.  One  large  dairy  with  a  well. 
Chimney,  smoke  and  ashes  house,  etc.,  etc.  One  blacksmith's 
shop.  Joiner  and  cabinet-maker's  do.  under  the  same  roof.  One 
garden,  walled  with  stone  on  three  sides  (the  front  secur'd  by  an 
arm  of  the  lake),  contained  about  40  acres.  A  park  of  600  acres, 
substantially  enclosed  with  large  lengths  of  trees.  In  the  park, 
one  saw-mill  and  one  grist-mill.  ...  On  this  estate  was  every 
implement  of  husbandry  and  for  the  shops  attached  to  and  built 
thereon;  and  various  boats  and  gondola  for  conveyance  and 
transportation  of  goods,  produce,  and  cattle."1  This  was  Went- 
worth House  and  its  immediate  accessories  as  the  Governor  knew 

1 .  This  description  is  quoted  from  a  statement  which  Wentworth  filed  with 
the  Commission  of  Enquiry  into  the  Losses  and  Services  of  the  American 
Loyalists.  Many  of  the  manuscript  books  and  papers  of  the  commissioners 
have  been  transcribed  for  the  New  York  Public  Library.  Copies  of  those  re- 
lating to  New  Hampshire  Loyalists  have  been  made  for  the  State  of  New 
Hampshire  also,  and  are  preserved  in  the  State  Library  at  Concord. 


WOLFEBOROUGH  91 

them  in  the  early  seventeen  seventies.  He  valued  the  whole  es- 
tablishment at  £20,000  and,  although  gentlemen  farmers  should 
never  count  the  cost  of  their  happiness,  Wen tworth  estimated  that 
he  had  spent  much  more  than  that  sum  upon  his  great  adventure.1 
In  later  years,  when  Wentworth  House  and  Wolfeborough  had 
become  heartbreaking  memories,  the  Governor  claimed  that  in 
1774  the  farm  contained  "more  than  500  acres  under  high  culti- 
vation" and  that  its  produce  exceeded  the  consumption  of  his 
whole  family.  The  former  statement  seems  incredible  and  is  not 
sustained  by  the  cleared  area  marked  upon  the  Holland  Map, 
which  should  be  a  good  authority  for  the  condition  of  Wolfe- 
borough  and  its  environs  in  those  days.  On  the  other  hand,  con- 
temporary observers  never  failed  to  express  amazement  at  the 
success  and  extent  of  Wentworth's  agricultural  ambitions,  and  it 
is  barely  possible  that  five  hundred  acres  were  cleared  between 
1768  and  1775.2 

1 .  Winslovi  Papers,  p.  326. 

1.  The  fame  of  the  plantation  spread  beyond  the  limits  of  the  province  and 
survived  the  Revolution.  For  instance,  Beacon  Hill,  a  Local  Poem,  Historic 
and  Descriptive,  by  Mrs.  Sarah  Morton,  which  was  published  at  Boston  in 
1797,  commemorated  the  Governor  and  his  Wolfeborough  activities  in  these 
lines: 

"While  Wentworth,  patron  of  his  parent  clime, 
With  hand  of  bounty,  and  with  soul  sublime, 
Mid  the  blank  forest  arch'd  the  sumptuous  dome, 
And  dress'd  the  desert  with  exotic  bloom. 
The  blue  cot  rising  on  the  rivulet's  side, 
The  hungry  plain  with  feeding  pulse  supplied, 
The  clover'd  valley,  and  the  barley 'd  hill, 
The  busy  flail,  the  never-resting  mill, 
Join'd  with  the  milk-maid's  song  the  ploughman's  glee, 
Were  all  thy  gift,  and  drew  their  hope  from  thee;  — 
Thee  Wentworth!  born  the  humblest  hut  to  cheer, 
From  vexing  Want  to  chase  the  gathering  tear, 
Or,  round  thy  brow  while  civic  myrtles  twine, 
To  rule  in  council,  and  in  courts  to  shine." 


92  WOLFEBOROUGH 

The  days  at  Wolfeborough  were  never  long  enough  for  John 
Wentworth.  "You  would  find  me,"  he  wrote  to  a  friend,  "very 
assiduously  attending  Mr.  Cushman's  practical  lectures  on  agri- 
culture, —  cutting  down  a  tree  here,  and  planting  another  there, 
clearing,  building,  and  plowing  with  equal  avidity  as  I  passed 
through  the  splendid  scenes  of  Europe;  and,  I  think,  with  much 
keener  relish  for  having  gone  through  them."  l  This  was  paradise 
to  the  Governor,  but  the  joys  of  rough  country  life  were  more  ap- 
preciated by  him  than  by  his  lady.  Mrs.  Wentworth  strove  val- 
iantly to  adapt  herself  to  the  kind  of  existence  which  gave  her 
husband  unequaled  joy,  but  with  what  degree  of  success  may  be 
ascertained  from  one  of  her  letters,  written  at  Wentworth  House 
in  October,  1770,  and  addressed  to  her  friend  Mrs.  Woodbury 
Langdon,  of  Portsmouth.2 

My  Dear  Mrs.  Langdon: 

I  hope  there  requires  no  profusion  of  words  to  convince  my  dear 
friend  how  very  happy  her  obliging  letter  made  me,  as  surely  she  must 
be  sensible  of  the  kindest  feelings  of  my  heart  towards  her,  and  believe 
me,  my  dear  Mrs.  Langdon,  I  was  extremely  uneasy  till  I  heard  you 
got  safe  to  Portsmouth.  Mrs.  Loring  told  me  you  had  met  with  some 
inconvenience  at  the  Ferry,  which  really  alarmed  me  exceedingly  for 
you.  However,  I  was  soon  quieted  by  receiving  a  line  from  you  with 
mention  of  your  health.  The  time  you  kindly  spent  with  me  in  this 
solitary  wilderness  has  riveted  a  lasting  impression  of  pleasure  upon 
my  mind;  nor  do  I  forget  our  tedious  walks  which  the  charms  of  the 
meadow  hardly  made  up  for.  I  have  taken  but  one  since,  and  then 
lost  both  my  shoes  and  came  home  barefoot. 

Mrs.  Livius  arrived  here  on  Monday  afternoon  and  appeared  nearly 
as  tired  as  you  was,  but  would  not  own  it. 

She  staid  here  three  nights  for  fair  weather,  and  at  last  went  over  the 
pond  in  a  high  gust  of  wind,  which  made  a  great  sea  and  white  caps  as 
large  as  the  canoe. 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Trumbull,  September  24,  1769. 
a.  First  printed  in  the  Granite  Monthly,  v,  97-99. 


WOLFEBOROUGH  93 

I  was  much  afraid  for  her,  but  she  got  over  quite  safe.  She  told  me 
you  was  unwell  when  she  left  town,  and  I  am  anxious  to  hear  you  are 
recovered  again.  I  wish  you  had  tarried  at  Wolfborough  till  you  had 
established  your  health.  Indeed,  you  ought  to  be  very  attentive  to 
keep  your  mind  easy  and  calm,  or  you  will  be  often  subject  to  indis- 
positions that  will  become  mighty  troublesome  to  you.  I  was  pleased 
at  all  the  intelligence  you  gave  me;  for,  although  I  live  in  the  woods,  I 
am  fond  of  knowing  what  passes  in  the  world.  Nor  have  my  ideas 
sunk  half  enough  in  rural  tranquillity  to  prefer  a  grove  to  a  ball-room. 
I  wish  you  were  here  to  take  a  game  of  billiards  with  me,  as  I  am  alone. 
The  Governor  is  so  busy  in  directions  to  his  workmen  that  I  am  almost 
turned  hermit. 

The  great  dancing-room  is  nearly  completed,  with  the  drawing- 
room,  and  begins  to  make  a  very  pretty  appearance.  I  hope  you  will 
be  here  next  summer  with  all  my  heart,  and  then  our  house  will  be 
more  in  order  than  it  was  when  you  favored  me  with  a  visit,  and  less 
noise.  For  in  fact  my  head  is  most  turned  with  the  variety  of  noises 
that  is  everywhere  about  me,  and  I  am  hardly  fit  to  bear  it,  as  I  have 
been  in  poor  health  ever  since  you  left  me,  and  am  hardly  able  to  live. 
However,  I  hope  to  be  stout  now  the  winter  comes  on,  as  the  summer 
never  agrees  with  my  constitution,  which  looks  strong,  but  is  quite 
slender.  When  Mrs.  Loring  left  me,  I  gave  her  in  charge  your  side- 
saddle, which  she  promised  me  to  send  home  to  you.  I  hope  it  was 
not  forgot.  If  it  was,  it  must  have  been  left  at  Stavers'  tavern,  and 
you  can  send  there  for  it,  if  you  have  not  received  it  before  this  time. 

The  cruel  is  come  safe,  and  I  will  trouble  you  for  the  worsted  you 
mentioned,  as  it  will  do  just  as  well  as  English;  and,  if  you  please,  one 
skein  more  of  cruel,  as  we  were  much  in  want  of  it. 

I  have  done  very  little  work  since  you  went  away;  not  because  I 
was  indolently  disposed,  but  because  you  did  so  much  in  helping  me 
that  I  have  nothing  to  do.  So  now  I  read  or  play  as  I  have  a  mind  to 
do.  I  get  but  very  little  of  my  Governor's  company.  He  loves  to  be 
going  about,  and  sometimes  (except  at  meales)  I  don't  see  him  an  hour 
in  a  day.  The  season  of  the  year  advances  so  rapidly  now  that  we  be- 
gin to  think  of  winter  quarters,  and  I  believe  we  shall  soon  get  to 
town.  I  guess  we  shall  set  off  about  the  time  we  proposed.  You  may 
easily  think  I  dread  the  journey,  as  the  roads  are  so  bad,  and  I  as  great 
a  coward  as  ever  existed.  I  tell  the  Governor  he  is  unlucky  in  a  wife 
having  so  timid  a  disposition,  and  he  so  resolute.  For  you  know  he 
would  attempt,  and  effect  if  possible,  to  ride  over  the  tops  of  the  trees 


94  WOLFEBOROUGH 

on  Moose  Mountain,  while  poor  I  even  tremble  at  passing  through  a 
road  cut  at  the  foot  of  it. 

Your  little  dog  grows  finely  and  I  shall  bring  him  down  with  me. 
You  never  saw  such  a  parcel  of  animals  in  your  life,  and  they  have 
lessened  poor  Phyllis'  courage  down  to  a  standard,  for  she  can  hardly 
crawl  along.  But  I  intend  to  send  some  of  them  off  soon.  We  have 
given  Mr.  Livius  one,  and  our  neighbors  all  around  are  begging  to 
have  one,  so  that  the  stock  will  soon  be  lessened,  and  I  intend  to  see 
yours  is  the  best  taken  care  of  amongst  them.  Mrs.  Rindge  seems  now 
to  falter  in  her  intentions  to  spend  the  winter  in  town,  but  she  says  she 
is  fixed  on  passing  a  month  or  so  there.  I  believe  it  all  a  matter  of  un- 
certainty; for  the  roads  are  so  precarious  in  the  winter  months,  that 
'tis  impossible  to  fix  on  anything.  Her  baby  seems  to  grow  consider- 
ably and  looks  better  than  it  did,  so  that  I  begin  to  think  now  she  has 
a  chance  for  its  life.  You  know  it  looked  in  a  great  decline  at  the  time 
you  was  with  me.  I  am  obliged  for  your  charge  to  the  house  you 
lodged  at  on  the  road  to  be  in  readiness  for  us  at  our  return.  I  desire 
things  only  a  little  clean;  for  elegance  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  country. 
I  hope  Mr.  Langdon  and  your  little  ones  are  in  health.  I  pray  you'll 
present  my  best  compliments  to  him  and  tell  him  I  hope  the  roads  will 
be  better  next  year  to  induce  him  to  try  another  journey  to  Wolf- 
borough.  The  Governor  has  just  come  in  and  says  I  must  send  a  great 
many  compliments  to  you  and  Mr.  Langdon,  and  tell  you  he  knows 
you'll  forget  how  to  eat  beef  at  Portsmouth.  Wolfborough  is  the 
place  to  recover  appetites  and  learn  people  to  relish  anything  that  is 
set  before  them.  But  adieu.  I  could  write  you  all  day,  but  I  am  called 
on  for  my  letter  by  Mr.  Russel  who  is  just  setting  off  for  his  journey. 
This  relieves  you  from  the  trouble  of  reading  a  long  penned  epistle 
from  one  who  need  not  say  she  loves  you;  since  you  know  you  can 
command  every  friendship  that  flows  from  the  affectionate  heart  and 
mind  of 

Your  sincere  friend  and  very  humble  servant, 

Frances  Wentworth 

There  were  indeed  many  things  to  interest  the  Governor  at 
Wolfeborough.  Besides  planting  fruit  trees  among  the  pine 
stumps,  he  tried  to  introduce  new  birds  into  the  forests  and  new 


WOLFEBOROUGH  95 

fish  into  the  lake.  Several  pairs  of  pheasant  were  brought  from 
England  and  let  fly  in  the  New  Hampshire  woods,  in  the  hope 
that  they  would  thrive  and  provide  interesting  shooting  for  the 
guests  at  Wentworth  House.  But  nothing  more  was  seen  of  the 
unfortunate  birds,  who  probably  became  the  victims  of  beasts 
they  had  never  dreamed  of  in  old  England.1  More  encouraging 
were  the  experiments  with  fish.  Much  to  the  amusement  of  his 
friends,  Wentworth  took  out  of  the  ocean  some  cusk,  a  superior 
kind  of  cod,  and  released  them  in  Smith's  Pond,  where,  according 
to  all  predictions,  they  should  have  speedily  died.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  lived  and  multiplied,  and  became  denizens  of  Lake 
Winnipesaukee  as  well.2  These  were  but  two  manifestations  of 
John  Wentworth's  eager  interest  in  natural  history.  When  one  of 
his  deputy  surveyors  was  about  to  depart  for  Canada,  the  Gov- 
ernor charged  him,  "If  any  curiosities,  natural  or  artificial, 
should  come  in  your  way  remember  that  I  am  still  disposed  to  ex- 
change good  gold  for  almost  anything  that  may  employ  my  mind 
to  discover,  or  my  time  to  improve  the  use  or  improvement  of> 
from  the  humblest  pebble  to  the  [most]  wonderful  animal."  3  It 
was  a  combination  of  this  scientific  inquisitiveness  and  his  innate 
love  of  adventure  that  led  Wentworth  to  explore  part  of  the 
White  Hills  in  the  summer  of  1772.4  A  more  serious  expedition 
was  planned  for  the  following  year,  when  the  Governor  and  a 
company  including  his  youthful  admirer,  Benjamin  Thompson, 
hoped  to  spend  a  couple  of  weeks  exploring  and  surveying  the 
region  of  the  big  peaks.  Apparently  public  business  required  the 
abandonment  of  this  plan,  but  Wentworth's  immediate  accept- 

1.  Belknap's  History  of  New  Hampshire,  iii,  171. 

2.  Nathan  Hale's  Notes  made  during  an  Excursion  to  the  Highlands  of  New 
Hampshire,  p.  36. 

3.  John  Wentworth  to  Joshua  Loring,  Jr.,  July  10,  1767. 

4.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  64-65. 


96  WOLFEBOROUGH 

ance  of  Thompson's  invitation  indicated  his  constant  eagerness 
to  combine  science  and  adventure.1 

The  building  of  Wentworth  House  and  the  cultivation  of  the 
great  farm  naturally  encouraged  people  of  all  classes  to  settle  in  or 
near  Wolfeborough.  In  1766  there  were  no  permanent  residents 
whatever  in  the  township;  in  1769  the  Governor  estimated  its 
population  to  be  about  one  hundred  and  fifty;  and  the  census  of 
1775  credited  it  with  more  than  two  hundred  inhabitants.  Went- 
worth had  great  faith  in  the  economic  possibilities  of  frontier 
towns,  not  only  for  the  proprietor  but  for  the  settler  as  well.  "A 
man  that  has  £100  and  can  labor,"  he  wrote,  "in  three  years 
will  be  very  easy  and  independent;  but  if  from  one  to  two  thou- 
sand pounds, — in  five  years  he  may  live  nobly  and  increase  his 
estate  into  four  times  the  value."  It  gladdened  his  heart,  there- 
fore, to  see  log  cabins  appear  in  the  surrounding  wilderness,  and 
whenever  he  discovered  the  right  kind  of  immigrant  he  did  not 
hesitate  to  give  him  a  bit  of  land  in  Wolfeborough.2  On  the  other 
hand,  the  Portsmouth  aristocracy  began  to  appreciate  inland 
New  Hampshire  as  a  place  of  summer  residence.  Jotham  Rindge, 
the  Governor's  uncle,  established  himself  and  his  family  about 
a  mile  and  a  quarter  north  of  Wentworth  House.  Another 
neighbor  was  Peter  Livius,  Esq.,  whose  house  in  Tuftonborough 
was  not  more  than  five  miles  distant;  and  still  farther  toward  the 
northwest  Samuel  Livermore,  the  attorney  general,  was  prepar- 
ing to  build  at  Holderness  a  mansion  consistent  with  the  dignity 
of  his  office. 

This  development  of  the  Winnipesaukee  region  was  due  not 
only  to  the  prestige  which  the  Governor's  country  seat  lent  to 
Wolfeborough,  but  also  to  the  improvement  of  the  road  between 

1.  George  E.  Ellis's  Memoir  of  Sir  Benjamin  Thompson,  pp.  48-49.  Thomp- 
son later  became  Count  Rumford,  the  famous  physicist. 

2.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  58. 


WOLFEBOROUGH  97 

that  town  and  the  more  settled  part  of  the  province.  Wentworth 
was  ever  an  advocate  of  good  roads  and  he  wished,  naturally 
enough,  that  the  way  from  Portsmouth  to  his  farm  should  set  a 
good  example  to  the  rest  of  New  Hampshire.  In  summer  and 
autumn  it  was  reasonably  smooth  as  far  as  Middleton,  a  town- 
ship which  then  included  Brookfield  and  bounded  Wolfeborough 
on  the  southeast.  But  through  Middleton  progress  was  difficult; 
and,  to  make  matters  worse,  those  journeying  from  the  capital 
to  Wentworth  House  and  beyond  encountered  its  hardships 
when  weary  from  forty  miles  of  traveling.  The  proprietors  of  the 
delinquent  township  frequently  promised  to  cut  and  clear  a  high- 
way through  their  domain,  but  nothing  was  done.  They  found  it 
more  agreeable  to  watch  their  land  increase  in  value  through  the 
development  of  the  surrounding  towns  than  to  expend  their 
money  in  its  improvement  and  cultivation.  Meanwhile  the  pro- 
prietors and  settlers  in  Wolfeborough,  Tuf ton  borough,  and 
Moul  ton  borough  suffered,  and  wondered  why  the  Middleton 
grant  was  not  declared  void  because  of  its  unfulfilled  conditions. 
This  discouraging  state  of  affairs  would  have  continued  indefi- 
nitely had  not  Governor  Wentworth  determined  to  take  vigorous 
and  immediate  steps  to  correct  it.  On  May  13,  1769,  he  ad- 
dressed the  following  letter  to  the  leading  proprietor  of  Middleton : 

Wentworth  House,  Wolfboro 
Sir: 

Having  so  frequently  applied  to  those  who  had  a  grant  of  the  town- 
ship of  Middleton  (now  forfeited  for  at  least  ten  years'  neglect  of 
settlement)  for  a  road  to  be  made  through  said  town,  which  they  have 
scandelously  neglected  to  this  day,  much  to  their  own  loss  —  to  the 
injury  of  all  this  part  of  the  country  —  to  my  particular  detriment 
already  of  300  dollars  —  and  twice  very  nearly  to  my  being  drowned 
—  also  to  the  dishonor  of  the  province  in  having  such  an  impassible 
tract  in  the  center  of  the  government  —  to  the  distress  of  very  many 
good  subjects,  merely  to  gratify  the  sordid  indolence  and  retrograde 
advance  of  a  few  unjust  people  —  I  therefore  desire  you'll  notify  them 


98  WOLFEBOROUGH 

directly,  that  I  am  determined  no  longer  to  suffer  those  grievances, 
and  that  on  thursday  morning,  1 8th  May,  1769,  I  shall  send  my  over- 
seer with  twenty  able  men  and  eight  oxen  to  cutt,  bridge,  and  make 
the  said  road  effectually — each  man  @  3/6  pence  per  diem  wages, 
oxen  3/6  per  diem  yoke  —  and  that  I  will  petition  to  the  proprietors 
of  the  patent  for  all  the  land  unsettled  in  said  town,  to  be  sold  at 
public  auction  within  four  weeks  of  this  day  to  repay  the  expence, — 
provided,  nevertheless,  that  if  any  body  of  men,  at  least  twelve,  and  a 
team  of  at  least  six  good  oxen  actually  come  to  work  and  continue 
thereupon  untill  the  road  is  effectually  and  wholly  finished,  made,  and 
completed,  by  or  before  Wednesday  noon,  the  17th  inst.,  that  then, 
and  only  then,  I  shall  desist.  And  further,  I  would  inform  you  that 
whatever  deficiency  may  appear  in  said  road  I  will  directly  make  good, 
and  obtain  a  sale  of  the  town;  for  it  shall  no  longer  remain  an  insult  to 
every  industrious  man  in  this  country.  It  will  not  avail  for  you  to 
represent  that  it  is  a  busy  time,  or  any  other  difficulties.  The  work 
ought  to  have  been  done  more  than  seven  years  since,  and  I  do  assure 
you  upon  my  word  and  honor,  that  I  will  not  relinquish  one  single 
atom  of  what  I  have  wrote, —  and  am  already  promised  safety  enough 
for  me  that  the  lands  shall  repay  me. 

I  am  your  most  humble  servant, 

John  Wentworth 

When,  in  spite  of  this  ultimatum,  the  Middleton  proprietors 
still  failed  to  act,  the  Governor  did  not  hesitate  to  carry  out  his 
threat.  In  the  summer  of  1769  about  seventy-five  men  under  the 
direction  of  Benjamin  Hart  and  John  Drew  constructed  a  road 
which  was  a  credit  to  their  energy  and  skill.  These  men  built  not 
for  a  year  or  a  decade  but  for  posterity,  and  their  labor,  if  not 
their  memory,  is  preserved  in  one  of  the  main  thoroughfares  of 
Middleton  and  Brookfield.  Upon  its  completion  Wentworth, 
true  to  his  warning,  sent  the  bill  to  the  delinquent  proprietors, 
and  thenceforth  rode  from  Portsmouth  to  Wentworth  House  in 
safety  and  comparative  comfort.1 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers, y.x\\i,  499-510.  By  comparing  an  enlarge- 
ment of  the  Holland  Map  with  a  modern  road  map  one  can  discover  the 
course  of  the  road  through  Middleton.  At  Middleton  meeting-house  it  turned 


WOLFEBOROUGH  99 

There  is  one  aspect  of  the  Wolfeborough  plantation  which  the 
writer  hesitates  to  discuss.  Sharing  Wentworth's  love  for  the  lake 
region  of  New  Hampshire  and  likewise  his  joy  in  country  life,  he 
finds  sordid  and  uncongenial  the  question  of  finances;  and  yet  it  is 
of  real  significance.  Once  the  Governor  wrote  to  a  friend,  "The 
remarkable  plenty  and  cheapness  of  living  make  a  [New  Hamp- 
shire] man  of  £200  per  annum  equal  to  a  nobleman  in  Europe,"  * 
—  and  a  great  deal  happier  no  doubt,  but  Wentworth's  manner 
of  living  must  have  required  an  amount  much  nearer  £2000.  His 
salary  as  governor  was  £700  and  the  rent  of  his  residence  in 
Portsmouth.  As  surveyor  general  of  his  Majesty's  woods  he  re- 
ceived £400.  His  independent  income  appears  to  have  been  al- 
most nothing.  Perhaps,  then,  his  revenue  from  all  sources  may 
have  totaled  £1200.  Could  this  have  been  sufficient  to  meet  the 
expenses  of  the  Portsmouth  establishment  with  its  sixteen  horses 
and  eight  servants,  and  also  Wentworth  House?  The  answer 
must  be  in  the  negative. 

The  explanation,  however,  is  not  difficult.  The  Governor's 
father,  Mark  Hunking  Wentworth,  advanced  funds  with  a  lavish 
hand,  probably  with  the  expectation  of  being  reimbursed  when 
John  should  inherit  Benning  Wentworth's  property.  At  all 
events,  he  lent  him  between  thirteen  and  fourteen  thousand 
pounds,  most  of  which  was  probably  expended  at  Wolfeborough. 

northeastward  in  order  to  avoid  the  range  of  mountains  of  which  Copple- 
crown  is  the  highest,  skirted  the  eastern  foot-hills,  and  recovered  its  original 
direction  before  reaching  what  is  now  Brookfield  Corner.  From  that  point 
the  east  road  to  Wolfeborough  and  the  so-called  Cottle  road,  which  branches 
from  it  on  the  right  about  two  miles  from  the  Corner,  are  probably  identical 
with  the  highway  constructed  in  1769.  From  the  town  line  dividing  Middle- 
ton  (Brookfield)  from  Wolfeborough  the  Governor  was  responsible  for  his 
own  road,  which  circled  the  northern  slope  of  Martin's  Hill  and  then  entered 
his  clearing  as  a  formal  drive. 

I.  John  Wentworth  to  H.  T.  Cramahe,  April  5,  1768. 


ioo  WOLFEBOROUGH 

Other  obligations  increased  the  Governor's  indebtedness  to  more 
than  eighteen  thousand  pounds.  But  these  liabilities  do  not  neces- 
sarily indicate  that  the  Governor  was  either  a  spendthrift  or  a 
poor  business  man.  Although  Wentworth  House  and  its  appur- 
tenances required  an  outlay  of  more  than  £20,000,  we  should  re- 
member that  it  was  an  investment  as  well  as  a  luxury.  In  those 
days  the  rich  and  the  well-to-do  who  wished  to  increase  their 
wealth  did  not  invest  in  stocks  and  bonds,  but  in  lands  in  the  in- 
terior. In  the  Wolfeborough  enterprise  Wentworth  was  both  in- 
vestor and  promoter.  Wentworth  House  may  have  been  an 
extravagance,  but  it  focused  the  attention  of  rich  and  poor  upon 
the  township  of  Wolfeborough,  tempted  the  speculator,  and  at- 
tracted the  settler.  As  soon  as  real  estate  began  to  boom,  the  sale 
of  his  odd  lots  alone  would  pay  for  the  great  farm  and  mansion- 
house  on  the  shore  of  Smith's  Pond.  So  reckoned  John  Went- 
worth in  1768,  and  nothing  less  than  a  revolution  could  have 
prevented  the  happy  realization  of  his  expectations. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

UNLIKE  Plymouth  and  Boston  the  first  settlement  on  the 
banks  of  the  Piscataqua  was  not  a  protest  against  the  gov- 
ernment or  the  ritual  of  the  Church  of  England.  On  the  contrary, 
it  was  a  purely  commercial  enterprise  undertaken  chiefly  by  Cap- 
tain John  Mason,  a  man  of  energy  and  imagination,  who  had 
abundant  confidence  in  the  financial  possibilities  of  the  New 
World.  In  the  autumn  of  1629  Mason  was  granted  the  tract  of 
land  lying  between  the  Merrimac  and  the  Piscataqua  rivers.  This 
he  named  New  Hampshire  in  honor  of  the  county  in  England  in 
which  he  had  resided  for  a  number  of  years.  Then  came  news 
that  New  France  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and 
that  Champlain  was  a  prisoner  in  London.  This  event  seemed  to 
open  new  possibilities  for  making  money,  for  the  Canadian  fur 
trade  would  be  taken  away  from  the  French  and  its  great  profits 
would  be  enjoyed  by  whatever  Englishmen  were  so  fortunate  as 
to  share  in  the  spoils.  Mason  and  his  friend  Sir  Ferdinando 
Gorges  were  among  the  first  to  get  the  ear  of  the  distributing 
agency,  and  soon  found  themselves  the  grantees  of  an  indefinite 
inland  area,  lying  west  and  northwest  of  New  Hampshire  and  in- 
cluding Lake  Champlain.  Laconia  was  the  euphonious  name 
given  to  this  latest  province;  and  in  order  to  exploit  its  resources 
Mason  and  Gorges  organized  the  Laconia  Company. 

Since  Captain  Mason's  original  grant  on  the  Piscataqua  seemed 
to  offer  an  excellent  base  from  which  the  company  might  operate, 
men  and  supplies  were  sent  thither  to  establish  one  or  two  planta- 
tions.  Most  of  the  colonists  were  employed  in  clearing  the  land, 


102       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

working  the  saw-mills,  and  extracting  salt  from  sea-water  to  be 
used  in  the  fishing  industry.  A  few  expeditions  were  made  into 
the  wilderness  in  the  hope  of  discovering  water  communication 
from  Laconia  to  the  Piscataqua,  but  unfortunately  the  rivers  of 
the  land  of  furs  flowed  northward  or  southward  and  left  the  New 
Hampshire  settlement  of  little  or  no  use  as  a  working  base  or 
entrepot  in  this  trade.  The  investors'  visions  of  wealth  faded,  but 
their  colonists  remained  in  and  about  Portsmouth  and  received 
occasional  reinforcements  from  Captain  Mason,  whose  interest 
in  the  community  continued  until  he  died  in  1635.  These  settlers 
had  had  no  quarrel  with  the  bishops;  neither  had  they  taken  ex- 
ception to  the  form  of  worship  to  which  they  were  accustomed  in 
England.  Their  coming  to  America  indicated  merely  their  belief 
that  the  New  World  might  afford  them  more  prosperity  than 
they  could  hope  for  in  the  Old.  Therefore,  when  one  Richard 
Gibson,  a  young  Episcopal  minister,  appeared  in  their  midst  they 
gladly  accepted  him  as  their  parson  and  under  his  guidance  wor- 
shiped together  according  to  the  ritual  of  the  Church  of  England. 
All  went  well  until  New  Hampshire  was  taken  under  the  juris- 
diction of  Massachusetts  in  1641.  Then  the  vigilant  eye  of  Puri- 
tanism lighted  upon  the  Piscataqua  settlement,  and  kindled  with 
wrath  at  the  discovery  of  a  minister  "wholly  addicted  to  the 
hierarchy  and  discipline  of  England."  '  Gibson  was  summoned 
to  Boston  forthwith,  and  was  there  tried  by  the  General  Court. 
With  the  examples  of  Roger  Williams,  and  Anne  Hutchinson 
fresh  in  his  memory  the  New  Hampshire  parson  knew  enough  not 
to  assume  the  offensive  against  the  rulers  of  Massachusetts.  He 
made  a  mild  defense  and  then  threw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of 
the  court.  With  unusual  leniency  the  magistrates  decided  to 
allow  him  to  depart  "without  any  fine  or  other  punishment,"  it 
being  understood  that  he  would  leave  the  country  within  a  few 

1.  John  Winthrop's  History  of  New  England,  ii,  79. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       103 

days.  Thus  ended  the  ministrations  of  Richard  Gibson  in  Amer- 
ica and  thus  died  the  first  Episcopal  church  in  New  Hampshire. 
As  the  population  of  Massachusetts  expanded,  her  people 
crossed  the  northern  boundary,  made  themselves  at  home  in 
southern  New  Hampshire,  and  established  in  those  parts  their 
religion  and  their  politics.  The  original  settlement  on  the  Piscata- 
qua  was  surrounded  and  almost  overwhelmed  by  the  advancing 
outposts  of  Massachusetts  civilization.  Puritan  Congregational- 
ism became  the  dominant  religion,  and  the  original  Portsmouth 
settlers  and  their  descendants  either  became  half-hearted  Dis- 
senters or  held  their  peace.  Although  they  apparently  conformed 
to  the  Massachusetts  church,  few,  if  any,  became  genuine  Con- 
gregationalists;  and,  as  John  Winthrop  expressed  it,  "most  of 
them  fell  back  in  time,  embracing  this  present  world."  Their 
devotion  to  the  Church  of  England,  though  sometimes  latent, 
persisted  and  patiently  awaited  an  opportunity  to  reassert 
itself.1 

Almost  a  century  elapsed  between  the  departure  of  Richard 
Gibson  and  the  reappearance  of  an  Episcopal  church  in  Ports- 
mouth. About  1730,  however,  a  number  of  the  more  prominent 
families  combined  to  organize  a  society  which  should  worship  ac- 
cording to  the  forms  of  the  English  church.  A  zealous  churchman 
in  the  mother  country  contributed  an  attractive  bit  of  land, 
while  the  Queen  exhibited  the  royal  approval  by  presenting  to  the 
parish  a  service  of  plate  for  the  altar  and  a  number  of  stalwart 
prayer-books.  An  edifice  named  Queen's  Chapel  was  soon  erected, 
in  which  the  Reverend  Arthur  Browne  ministered  unto  an  aristo- 
cratic assembly  of  Portsmouth's  first  families.2   The  established 

1.  It  is  perhaps  significant  that  the  only  Anglican  clergyman  in  New  Eng- 
land in  1680  resided  at  Portsmouth.  See  Arthur  Lyon  Cross's  Anglican  Episco- 
pate and  the  American  Colonies,  p.  28. 

2.  Calvin  R.  Batchelder's  History  of  the  Eastern  Diocese,  i,  140-147. 


104       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

church  of  New  Hampshire  was  still  Congregational,  but  tolera- 
tion of  all  trinitarian  Protestant  sects  had  gradually  become  the 
religious  basis  in  New  England.  Thus  Mr.  Browne  was  not  likely 
to  suffer  the  fate  of  Mr.  Gibson.  On  the  contrary,  his  church 
flourished  and  soon  came  to  be  identified  with  wealth  and  office- 
holding.  The  governor  of  the  province  worshiped  there,  in  a 
pew  raised  a  little  above  the  rest  and  surmounted  by  a  heavy 
wooden  canopy  which  bore  the  royal  arms  and  festoons  of  red 
plush.  And  many  a  Portsmouth  citizen,  for  one  reason  or  an- 
other, was  drawn  back  into  the  fold  of  the  Church  of  England. 
Although  this  reassertion  or  recantation,  as  the  case  might  be, 
was  very  pronounced  at  Portsmouth,  the  rest  of  New  Hampshire 
held  fast  to  its  traditions  and  beliefs  and  looked  askance  at  any- 
thing resembling  an  extension  of  Episcopalianism.  Thus  there 
existed  side  by  side  the  church  of  the  court  and  the  church  of  the 
people.  So  long  as  neither  interfered  with  the  other  all  would  be 
well,  but  any  aggressive  gesture  by  either  party  would  probably 
lead  to  serious  consequences. 

The  first  conflict  between  the  denominations  occurred  in  1758 
when  the  Congregational  ministers,  at  their  annual  convention, 
petitioned  Benning  Wentworth  to  authorize  the  founding  of  a 
college  in  New  Hampshire.  The  governor  agreed  to  do  so  provid- 
ing the  institution  should  be  under  the  control  of  the  Bishop  of 
London,  who  was  the  recognized  head  of  the  Episcopal  church  in 
the  American  colonies.  This  proviso  was,  of  course,  more  than 
the  Congregationalists  could  consider.  In  the  following  year  they 
submitted  a  compromise  proposition,  but  Benning  Wentworth 
stood  firm  and  they  were  obliged  to  abandon  their  commendable 
project.1  There  could  be  no  prospect  of  an  institution  of  learning 
consistent  with  the  religious  convictions  of  the  people  of  New 

1 .  New  Hampshire  Historical  Society's  Collections,  ix,  36-39,  and  Adams's 
Annals  of  Portsmouth,  p.  230. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       105 

Hampshire  while  Benning  Wentworth  occupied  the  governor's 
chair. 

Three  or  four  years  later  an  educational  movement  of  a  differ- 
ent nature  fared  somewhat  better  at  Portsmouth.  The  Reverend 
Eleazar  Wheelock  of  Lebanon,  Connecticut,  after  at  least  one 
failure,  succeeded  in  interesting  the  governor  in  his  school  which 
trained  missionaries,  both  white  and  red,  for  service  among  the 
Indians.  How  much  Benning  Wentworth  cared  about  civilizing 
the  savages  is  a  question,  but  he  approved  an  appropriation  of 
£50  for  this  purpose  in  1763,  and  offered  Wheelock  a  tract  of  land 
for  his  school  if  he  should  choose  to  move  it  to  western  New 
Hampshire.  This  was  encouraging  to  Wheelock,  but  he  did  not 
at  once  avail  himself  of  the  latter  proposition  because  the  con- 
tinuance of  his  work  depended  largely  upon  funds  which  he  hoped 
to  raise  in  Great  Britain.  In  the  meantime  John  Wentworth 
succeeded  his  uncle  as  governor.  This  made  the  future  look  even 
brighter  for  the  Indian  school.  In  December,  1766,  the  young 
Governor  met  Wheelock's  representatives  at  Bath,  just  before  his 
return  to  America,  subscribed  £21  to  the  fund  and  promised  to 
grant  a  township  to  the  school  if  it  should  seek  a  home  in  New 
Hampshire.1  The  appeal  for  financial  aid  for  the  education  of  the 
Indians  was  surprisingly  successful  in  the  mother  country,  and 
one  cannot  but  admire  the  way  in  which  Wheelock  managed  his 
campaign.  In  order  to  engage  the  attention  and  interest  of  the 
British  public  he  sent  a  full-blooded  American  Indian,  whom  he 
had  educated,  to  address  English  congregations.  This  was  Sam- 
son Occom.  He  had  a  natural  gift  for  preaching,  and  many  of 
those  who  out  of  curiosity  went  to  hear  him  were  induced  to  con- 
tribute to  the  fund. 

Lord  Dartmouth  opened  the  subscription  with  £50.  The  King 
followed  with  £200,  and  within  a  few  months  the  fund  amounted 

1.  Frederick  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  p.  55. 


106       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

to  more  than  £i  1,000.  The  only  serious  rebuff  which  Occom  and 
his  escort,  Nathaniel  Whitaker,  received  was  from  the  Church  of 
England.  When  the  dignitaries  of  that  denomination  discovered 
that  the  Indian  had  been  ordained  in  the  Presbyterian  church  six 
or  seven  years  earlier,  they  became  very  cool  towards  him,  and 
publicly  advised  their  adherents  to  refrain  from  encouraging  the 
project  for  which  he  spoke.1  Nevertheless,  the  mission  was  un- 
mistakably successful;  so  much  so,  in  fact,  that  it  seemed  advis- 
able to  appoint  a  board  of  trustees  to  handle  the  contributions. 
The  board  was  organized  in  London  in  January,  1767,  and  Lord 
Dartmouth,  who  had  shown  more  active  interest  than  any  other 
Englishman  except  George  Whitefield,  was  elected  president  of 
the  body. 

In  the  spring  of  1768  Occom  and  Whitaker,  having  completed 
their  campaign,  returned  to  America,  and  found  Dr.  Wheelock 
on  the  point  of  choosing  a  new  location  for  his  institution.  There 
was  only  one  vital  reason  for  moving  the  school  from  Connecticut, 
and  that  was  the  advantage  to  be  gained  from  being  nearer  the 
Indian  country.  Wheelock  was  inclined  to  favor  the  valley  of  the 
Susquehanna;  others  pointed  out  the  merits  of  Maine,  Virginia, 
Carolina,  Ohio,  western  Massachusetts,  and  the  upper  reaches  of 
the  Hudson.  The  advocates  of  Albany  were  almost  importunate 
in  their  efforts  to  persuade,  and  for  a  while  it  looked  as  if  they 
would  prevail;  but  Wheelock  complained  that  the  city  was" much 
frequented  by  people  of  loose  lives,"  and  he  decided  to  interview 
Governor  John  Wentworth  at  Portsmouth  before  making  up  his 
mind.  When  they  met,  Wentworth  reasserted  his  readiness  to 
grant  a  township  six  miles  square  in  the  Connecticut  Valley  as  an 
endowment  for  the  institution  if  the  decision  should  be  in  favor 
of  New  Hampshire,  and  he  suggested  other  advantages  which 
would  attend  locating  in  his  province.    The  most  persuasive  of 

1 .  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  pp.  53-54. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       107 

these  were  the  implied  promise  of  a  charter  and  the  fact  that  the 
proposed  district  was  largely  peopled  by  men  from  Connecticut, 
many  of  them  old  neighbors  of  the  Wheelock  family.  So  al- 
though Wheelock  still  yearned  for  the  fertile  valley  of  the  Sus- 
quehanna he  declared  his  readiness  to  establish  the  school  on  the 
Connecticut,  if  the  trustees  should  favor  the  latter  location.  The 
matter  was  submitted  to  the  Board,  and  in  the  course  of  time 
they  reported  their  preference  for  the  Cohoss  region  of  New 
Hampshire  because  of  its  convenient  situation,  midway  between 
the  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations  and  those  of  the  north  and  east. 

Wentworth,  true  to  his  word,  now  offered  the  forfeited  town- 
ship of  Landaff  as  a  site  and  endowment  for  the  institution,  and 
naturally  expected  that  his  official  generosity  would  determine 
its  location.  Although  Landaff  was  in  the  Cohoss  region  it  was 
not  on  the  Connecticut,  and  for  that  reason  it  seemed  to  Whee- 
lock much  less  attractive  than  some  of  the  neighboring  towns. 
Furthermore,  the  landowners  throughout  that  part  of  New  Hamp- 
shire were  eager  to  have  the  school  located  in  towns  in  which  they 
were  interested,  and  they  vied  with  each  other  in  making  propo- 
sitions to  Wheelock.  Although  Wentworth  owned  tracts  of  land 
in  some  of  these  towns  and  knew  that  the  proximity  of  the  school 
would  increase  their  value,  he  would  not  allow  such  considera- 
tions to  influence  his  choice.1  His  heart  was  set  upon  Landaff, 
and  he  liked  not  the  competitive  bidding  of  the  other  towns.  But 
the  bidding  continued,  mainly  between  Haverhill,  Orford,  and 
Hanover,  until  finally  on  July  5,  1770,  Hanover  won  the  coveted 
award. 

Meanwhile  Wheelock  had  devoted  much  time  and  energy  to 
the  drafting  of  a  charter  for  his  institution.  The  importance  of 
incorporation  had  been  on  his  mind  for  many  years,  and  more 
than  once  he  had  petitioned  the  Connecticut  assembly  to  that  end, 

I.  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  p.  141. 


108       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

but  in  vain.  Likewise  his  prayers  to  the  government  in  England 
had  met  with  no  success.  "I  have  rode  many  hundred  miles  and 
spent  much  time  in  the  affair,"  he  once  lamented,  "but  God  has 
shut  up  every  way  hitherto,  notwithstanding  some  have  loaded 
me  with  shame  that  I  go  on  without  it."  1  Now  that  his  wish  was 
about  to  be  granted  he  spent  weeks  and  months  over  the  docu- 
ment, fearful  lest  some  clause  might  give  offense  to  the  English 
trustees,  who,  he  knew,  did  not  favor  incorporation.  Towards 
the  end  of  August,  1769,  Wheelock  sent  the  result  of  his  efforts  to 
Wentworth,  and  anxiously  awaited  his  comments  upon  it.  The 
proposed  instrument  recognized  the  existence  of  "  the  gentlemen 
of  the  trust  in  England,"  but  gave  the  actual  government  of  the 
institution  to  an  American  board  of  trustees.2 

Wentworth  studied  the  document  carefully,  amended  it,  and 
returned  it  to  Wheelock  for  his  consideration.  The  fact  that 
Wheelock,  without  the  consent  of  the  English  trustees,  was  turn- 
ing his  Indian  mission  school  into  a  self-governing  academy  or 
college  "  for  the  education  and  instruction  of  youths  of  the  Eng- 
lish and  also  of  the  Indian  tribes  in  this  land"  did  not  trouble  the 
Governor  so  much  as  onewould  have  expected;  but  there  were  two 
provisions  in  the  proposed  charterwhich  hewished  to  change.  The 
first  concerned  the  personnel  of  the  American  board.  Wheelock 
wished  it  to  consist  almost  exclusively  of  men  from  Connecticut 
who  were  old  friends  and  neighbors  of  the  Indian  school.  Went- 
worth felt  that  if  the  institution  were  to  be  a  New  Hampshire 
college,  a  majority  of  the  trustees  should  be  New  Hampshire 
men.  Although  Wheelock  was  a  man  of  strong  opinions,  he  fin- 
ally agreed  to  a  compromise  which  would  achieve  Wentworth's 
object  in  the  course  of  a  few  years.  The  second  amendment,  how- 

1 .  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  p.  95. 

1.  "Wheelock   Manuscripts,"  no.  769663.1    in    the   Dartmouth    College 
Library. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       109 

ever,  gave  him  genuine  alarm,  and  he  opposed  it  bitterly.  This 
was  the  Governor's  recommendation  that  the  Bishop  of  London 
be  added  to  the  English  board,  in  order  to  counteract  the  prevail- 
ing impression  that  the  college  would  be  founded  upon  hostility 
to  the  Established  Church.  The  appointment  would  not  be  ex 
officio,  and  at  the  demise  of  the  present  bishop  the  vacancy  would 
be  filled  like  that  of  any  other  member.  In  the  meantime,  how- 
ever, the  institution  would  be  assured  of  the  good  will  of  the 
English  church.  "This  is  so  open  and  candid,"  argued  Went- 
worth,  "  that  I  think  it  cannot  be  a  bugbear  to  any  man  of  com- 
mon sense,  nor  be  objected  to  unless  upon  party  principles 
incompatible  with  and  dishonorable  to  our  generous  plan  of  edu- 
cation and  government  proposed." 

Wheelock  probably  considered  himself  a  "man  of  common 
sense,"  but  to  expect  a  Connecticut  Dissenter  to  appoint  the 
Bishop  of  London  a  trustee  of  his  college  was  preposterous.  What 
was  the  Governor  thinking  of?  Was  this  an  insidious  plot  to  de- 
liver the  school  into  the  hands  of  its  enemies?  Did  it  foreshadow 
that  event  which  all  New  England  feared,  —  the  appointment  of 
an  American  bishop?  Wheelock  rarely  welcomed  suggestions  of 
any  kind;  the  present  proposal  quite  upset  his  equanimity.  Some 
of  his  friends  tried  to  persuade  him  that  since  under  the  charter 
the  English  board  was  nothing  but  a  figure-head  it  would  make 
no  difference  if  an  Episcopal  prelate  were  a  member  of  it.  In  the 
words  of  his  closest  adviser,  "the  Bishop  of  London,  being  only  a 
nominal  member  of  the  Trust  in  England,  is  but  a  mere  matter  of 
moonshine,  and  not  worthy  of  consideration."  But  Wheelock 
could  not  take  that  view.  If  the  Governor  insisted  upon  this 
amendment,  the  college  would  seek  a  home  in  some  other  prov- 
ince than  New  Hampshire.1    Fortunately,  however,  he  did  not 

1.  Eleazar  Wheelock  to  Hugh  Wallace,  September  30, 1769;  in  the"Wheelock 
Manuscripts,"  no.  769530.1. 


no       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

express  his  sentiments  so  strongly  when  he  penned  his  reply  to 
Wentworth.  Instead,  he  merely  queried  the  authority  of  his  Ex- 
cellency "or  any  other  man"  to  add  a  member  to  the  English 
board,  which  had,  of  course,  complete  control  of  its  own  member- 
ship. On  this  point  the  clergyman  proved  himself  a  better  lawyer 
than  the  Governor,  and  Wentworth  was  obliged  to  yield. 

When  the  business  had  progressed  thus  far  it  was  natural  that 
the  question  of  a  name  for  the  institution  should  arise.  Wheelock 
suggested  that  it  be  called  Wentworth  College,1  as  well  it  might, 
for  the  conversion  of  the  Indian  school  into  a  provincial  college 
was  due  to  John  Wentworth  more  than  to  any  other  one  man. 
But  modesty  seems  to  have  prevented  the  adoption  of  this  com- 
plimentary suggestion.  To  name  it  in  honor  of  Lord  Dartmouth, 
however,  his  Excellency  "cheerfully  consented"  and  issued  the 
charter  of  Dartmouth  College  on  December  13,  1769.2  Although 
disappointed  in  the  matter  of  location,  the  Governor  fulfilled  his 
promise  of  endowment  by  granting  to  the  institution  the  town- 
ship of  Landaff,  and  his  uncle,  Benning  Wentworth,  did  likewise 
by  presenting  to  the  trustees  the  five  hundred  acre  tract  which, 
according  to  his  custom,  he  had  reserved  to  himself  when  grant- 
ing the  township  of  Hanover. 

As  has  already  been  indicated,  most  of  Wheelock's  friends  saw 
neither  danger  nor  ground  for  suspicion  in  Wentworth's  attempt 
to  add  the  Bishop  of  London  to  the  English  board,  but  if  they  had 
known  the  contents  of  a  personal  letter  which  he  wrote  at  that 
time  they  might  have  taken  a  different  view.  The  main  part  of 
the  communication  ran  as  follows,  and  shows  its  author  in  a 
new  role: 

When  you  was  at  Portsmouth  last,  we  had  some  talk  about  the 
state  of  the  Church  of  England:  at  present  it  is  in  a  critical  situation 

1 .  Shirley's  Dartmouth  College  Causes,  p.  34. 
1.  Dartmouth  Manuscripts,  11,71. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       in 

in  this  province  and  may  be  extended  through  the  whole  without  any 
difficulty  or  opposition,  and  with  very  little  expense  which  cannot  be 
more  nobly  applied.  The  country  now  settling  everywhere  are  very 
poor,  have  been  used  to  public  worship,  and  if  the  church  service  was 
performed  without  expence  or  any  zealous  attempts  to  proselyte,  the 
the  people  would  naturally  flock  to  it;  and  from  the  regularity,  good 
order  and  native  merit  of  the  Church  would  soon  be  attached  to  it 
sufficiently.  They  are  now  in  very  many  places  broke  to  pieces  by 
sects,  so  that  even  the  regular  dissenting  parishes  are  become  a  prey 
to  innumerable  secessions,  of  which  I  can  perceive  they  are  them- 
selves much  wearied.  Therefore  this  is  the  time,  which  once  passed 
may  never  again  be  recovered:  but  to  embrace  this  opportunity  re- 
quires caution,  prudence  and  secrecy. 

The  foible  of  this  country  throughout  is  jealousy,  civil  and  religious. 
I  would  therefore  wish  to  see  one  clergyman  a  year  established  in  this 
province.  Perhaps  if  his  Majesty  would  be  graciously  pleased  to  allow 
a  chaplain  to  his  governor  for  the  time  being,  it  would  be  the  most  un- 
exceptionable introduction  of  this  plan.  In  my  present  situation,  if  I 
had  a  chaplain  —  a  man  of  good  sense,  benevolent  disposition  and  un- 
dissembled  piety,  that  had  some  considerable  family  connections  in 
the  country  — -  under  my  immediate  advice  and  protection  in  my 
family,  I  really  Relieve  in  two  years  from  the  day  he  arrived  I  could 
form  a  little  parish  of  five  hundred  souls,  who  now  have  no  public  wor- 
ship at  all,  but  believe  there  is  not  any  material  difference  between  the 
Church  of  England  and  the  Church  of  Rome.  By  this  means  I  verily 
believe  the  Church  would  spread  fast  in  New  England,  and  most  cer- 
tainly would  produce  very  desirable  effects  in  the  administration  of 
the  civil  government.1 

During  the  previous  twenty-five  years  the  Episcopal  church  in 
New  Hampshire  had  received  aid  and  support  from  two  main 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Harrison,  September  24, 1769.  Wolfeborough 
was  to  be  the  center  of  the  "little  parish"  which  the  Governor  was  confident 
he  could  form.  Divine  services  were  held  at  Wentworth  House  during  the 
summer  months,  whenever  a  clergyman  was  visiting  there,  and  according  to 
Wentworth  "  the  people  came  fourteen  miles  "  to  attend.  He  was  convinced 
that  "nineteen  out  of  twenty  would  join  the  Church  if  they  had  the  oppor- 
tunity." There  is  a  copy  of  an  interesting  letter  from  him  to  the  Bishop  of 
London  on  this  subject  in  the  "British  Transcripts"  in  the  Library  of  Con- 
gress.  L  C  313:  Fulham  Mss.,  8,  9,  and  10. 


112       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

sources;  one  was  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  in 
Foreign  Parts,  the  other  was  Benning  Wentworth.  The  Society 
had  been  founded  in  1701  with  the  purpose  of  sending  mission- 
aries to  those  colonies  where  the  Church  of  England  was  not 
dominant.  The  majority  of  our  ancestors  looked  upon  its  agents 
with  disfavor,  not  to  say  distrust;  and  well  they  might,  for  even 
in  New  England  the  number  of  their  converts  was  surprising.  As 
yet  they  had  not  made  alarming  inroads  upon  the  religious  life  of 
New  Hampshire,  but  Benning  Wentworth  had  laid  a  formidable 
foundation  for  the  gradual  conversion  of  the  province  by  giving 
to  the  Society  one  share  in  every  township  granted  by  him;  like- 
wise, he  reserved  one  share  "  for  a  glebe  for  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land." Upon  this  foundation  his  successor  now  intended  to  erect 
an  edifice  in  the  following  ingenious  manner: 

I  would  wish  to  form,  or  rather  establish,  the  Church  in  this  prov- 
ince upon  a  permanent  system,  which  was  wisely  begun  in  some  good 
degree  by  my  good  uncle,  the  late  governor.  The  first  great  step  will 
be  to  get  an  appointment  of  his  Majesty's  chaplain  at  a  salary  of  at 
least  £100  sterling  per  annum,  some  suitable  gentleman  I  would  find 
and  recommend,  for  whose  conduct  I  would  be  responsible;  and  if, 
contrary  to  my  hopes,  he  should  deviate  from  his  duty  I  would  sus- 
pend him  from  the  salary  and  directly  give  information  to  his  diocesan. 
After  two  years  had  in  some  measure  worn  off  the  prejudices,  I  would 
recommend  that  a  missionary  be  appointed  for  some  suitable  town 
with  a  salary  of  fifty  pounds  per  annum,  and  to  reside  on  that  right  of 
land  reserved  in  many  towns  for  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gos- 
pel. By  this  means  their  lands  would  be[come]  very  valuable,  and  in 
time  six  times  more  than  maintain  their  schools  and  clergy  in  this 
province,  and  not  cost  them  a  pound.  ...  By  a  steady,  moderate  and 
uniform  adherence  to  such  a  plan  as  this,  I  think  I  could  answer  in  ten 
years  to  establish  at  least  forty  good  parishes  in  this  province,  which 
should  not  cost  the  Society  more  than  six  salaries  of  £50  per  annum, 
to  fall  with  the  first  incumbents  and  leave  the  whole  forty  more  than 
100  guineas  each  per  annum,  arising  out  of  their  own  lands,  and  with- 
out one  murmur  of  inquietude  in  the  whole  country. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       113 

I  have  seen  a  letter  to  Mr.  Browne  from  the  Society  upon  the  sub- 
ject of  their  lands.  Had  I  been  a  member  of  that  noble  society,  which 
I  yet  hope  to  be,  I  would  have  written  to  them  a  full  and  just  state  of 
the  matter;  but  was  apprehensive  of  interfering  lest  I  give  umbrage. 
However,  my  dear  sir,  I  cordially  venerate  the  Church  of  England,  and 
hope  to  see  it  universal  in  this  province,  whose  lasting  welfare  I  have 
much  and  sincerely  at  heart.  Whatever  is  done  in  this  proposed  plan 
must  be  without  parade  or  show,  and  under  powerful  direction,  or  the 
whole  matter  will  be  injured  rather  than  served.  I  should  think  if  the 
Bishop  of  London  should  wish  well  to  this  scheme,  from  being  con- 
vinced of  its  utility  and  speedy  practicability,  his  Lordship  could 
represent  it  to  his  Majesty  so  effectually  as  to  obtain  the  chaplainship, 
which  would  be  so  eminently  advantageous  to  the  cause  of  our  religion, 
and  exceedingly  dignify  and  facilitate  the  political  administration  of 
government;  both  of  them,  you  are  sensible,  sir,  at  this  time  requiring 
all  the  care  and  prudence  they  can  have.1 

Wentworth's  covert  zeal  for  the  Church  of  England  did  not 
interfere  with  his  open  interest  in  Dartmouth  College.  Indeed, 
forgetful  of  his  alma  mater  he  termed  the  little  institution  at  Han- 
over "  the  most  noble,  useful,  and  truly  pious  foundation  now  in 
America,"  and  constantly  exhorted  the  Assembly  to  appropriate 
funds  for  its  support,  "lest  the  world  should  think  that  the  in- 
terests of  literature  and  Christianity  were  difficult  causes  to  ob- 
tain in  New  Hampshire."2  Since  1640  Harvard  College  had 
enjoyed  a  monopoly  of  the  right  to  ferry  between  Boston  and 
Charlestown.  Wentworth  induced  the  New  Hampshire  legisla- 
tors to  grant  a  similar  privilege  to  Dartmouth  by  giving  the 
College  the  exclusive  right  to  operate  a  ferry  between  Hanover 
and  the  opposite  shore  of  the  Connecticut  River.8  Nor  did  his 
encouragement  consist  merely  in  providing  for  its  material  wants. 
Probably  any  governor  would  have  done  as  much  in  that  par- 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Joseph  Harrison,  September  24,  1769. 

2.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  274. 

3.  J.  K.  Lord's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  p.  648. 


H4       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

ticular,  but  John  Wentworth  contributed  also  a  personal  interest 
and  enthusiasm  which  meant  much  to  the  infant  college.  Al- 
though there  were  not  more  than  a  dozen  students  resident  at 
Hanover  in  1771,  he  resolved  that  Commencement  should  be 
celebrated  with  all  possible  dignity  and  festivity.  The  twenty- 
eighth  of  August  was  the  appointed  day.  During  the  previous 
week  the  Governor  and  a  company  of  the  most  distinguished 
gentlemen  in  the  province  assembled  at  Portsmouth,  whence  in 
a  merry  cavalcade  they  set  out  for  Hanover  by  the  way  of  Wolfe- 
borough.1 

At  this  first  Commencement  of  Dartmouth  only  four  students 
received  degrees,  but  their  graduation  did  not  lack  gaiety.  Our 
ancestors  found  particular  delight  in  the  spectacle  of  an  ox 
roasted  whole  and  in  its  subsequent  consumption.  Upon  this 
occasion  the  barbecue  was  provided  at  the  expense  of  the  Gov- 
ernor, and  it  was  accompanied  by  enough  rum  to  render  the 
college  cook,  and  perhaps  others,  hors  de  combat  for  the  next 
twenty-four  hours.  At  all  events,  Wentworth  and  his  friends 
seem  to  have  found  this  first  Commencement  Day  thoroughly  en- 
joyable, and  several  months  afterward  they  commemorated  it 
by  presenting  President  Wheelock  with  a  beautiful  silver  punch 
bowl  suitably  inscribed.  The  idea  of  a  memorial  gift  originated 
with  the  Governor,  who  induced  Dr.  Cutter  to  collect  contribu- 
tions from  the  other  members  of  the  party;  but  history  does  not 
tell  us  who  was  responsible  for  the  appropriate  form  which  the 
gift  took.2 

One  of  the  first  four  graduates  was  a  young  man  named  Sil- 
vanus  Ripley.  Something  about  him  attracted  the  notice  of  the 
Governor.  Possibly  it  was  the  "Salutatory  Oration  upon  the 
Virtues"  with  which  Ripley  opened  the  Commencement  exer- 

1.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  August  23,  1771 . 

2.  Benjamin  Cutter's  Cutter  Family  in  New  England,  pp.  315-317. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       115 

cises.    More  probably  it  was  his  engaging  personality.    At  any 
rate  he  won  the  favor  of  the  Governor,  and  with  that  in  addition 
to  the  brains  which  he  already  possessed  he  might  well  anticipate 
rapid  advancement  and  a  brilliant  future.    But  from  the  Gov- 
ernor's point  of  view  there  was  one  serious  obstacle:  presumably 
by  birth  and  certainly  by  education  Ripley  was  a  Presbyterian. 
To  Wentworth  this  seemed  unfortunate;  but  was  it  insuperable? 
When  Henry  of  Navarre  was  obliged  to  choose  between  Prot- 
estantism and  the  crown  of  France,  he  chose  the  crown.   Was  it 
likely,  then,  that  Ripley  would  let  his  Presbyterianism  stand  in 
the  way  of  a  career?   And  if  Ripley,  the  most  promising  of  Dr. 
Wheelock's  disciples,  were  converted  to  the  Church  of  England, 
would  not  a  number  of  his  fellow  students  follow  his  example? 
The  Governor  saw  no  reason  why  his  experiment  should  not  suc- 
ceed. Apparently,  he  failed  to  realize  that  his  young  friend's  con- 
viction in  favor  of  the  Presbyterian  church  might  be  as  strong  as 
his  own  predilection  for  bishops  and  prayer-books.    Within  a 
year  from  the  time  of  his  graduation  Ripley  was  appointed  a 
tutor  in  the  College,  and  he  soon  proved  himself  invaluable  both 
as  a  teacher  at  Hanover  and  as  a  missionary  among  the  Indians. 
His  life  was  full  of  hardships,  but  his  heart  was  in  his  work,  and 
he  went  about  doing  good  with  no  thought  of  his  own  comfort  or 
of  his  advancement  in  this  world. 

In  the  late  summer  of  1773  Wentworth  approached  Ripley 
with  the  suggestion  that  there  was  an  opening  "in  the  most  re- 
spectable parish  in  New  England,"  and  that  if  he  would  take 
orders  in  the  Church  of  England  the  Governor  could  assure  him 
of  the  appointment.  The  position  was  that  of  "assistant,  and 
afterwards,  no  doubt,  rector  of  King's  Chapel  at  Boston,"  where, 
according  to  Wentworth,  Ripley  would  be  "an  honor  to  the  Col- 
lege and  an  ornament  to  the  Church."  l  As  an  additional  induce- 

1 .  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  pp.  256-257. 


u6   THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

ment  Wentworth  argued  that  his  acceptance  would  be  of  great 
benefit  to  the  College.  "Providence,"  he  declared,  "seems  to 
have  opened  this  door  to  establish  a  friend  of  Dartmouth  in  an 
important  situation  for  its  guard  and  defence  against  the  un- 
friendliness in  that  quarter."  Ripley  beheld  the  door,  but  he  was 
not  sure  that  it  was  Providence  who  had  opened  it.  The  longer 
he  contemplated  the  situation,  the  more  he  fancied  a  resemblance 
to  the  fourth  chapter  of  Matthew,  and  after  due  reflection  he  re- 
turned a  negative  answer  to  his  tempting  sponsor.1 

Whether  Dr.  Wheelock  divined  Wentworth's  intention  to  bring 
the  light  to  Dartmouth,  or  not,  the  Governor's  purpose  was  no 
secret  among  Churchmen.  A  gentleman,  who  signed  himself 
R.  C.,2  made  an  ecclesiastical  survey  of  the  Connecticut  Valley 
for  the  benefit  of  the  Society  for  the  Propagation  of  the  Gospel, 
and  gave  a  detailed  report  of  the  condition  and  prospects  of  the 
Episcopal  church  in  that  part  of  the  province.  In  almost  all  the 
settlements  from  Alstead  to  Lancaster  he  found  groups  of  people 
who  welcomed  him  and  begged  for  prayer-books.  The  strongest 
of  these  groups  was  settled  at  Claremont,  where  a  schoolmaster, 
sent  out  by  the  Society,  had  gradually  formed  a  congregation 
which  showed  more  vitality  than  that  organized  by  "a  few  dis- 
senters." But  the  most  interesting  item  concerns  the  town  of 
Hanover,  where,  according  to  our  informant,  "is  Dr.  W.'s  college, 
which  Governor  Wentworth  is  fully  persuaded  in  time  he  shall 
bring  about,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  to  be  of  the  Establish- 
ment." 3  Was  this,  then,  the  real  motive  behind  the  Governor's 

i.  "Wheelock  Manuscripts," no. 7745 12, in  the  Dartmouth  College  Library. 

1.  This  was  probably  the  Reverend  Ranna  Cossitt,  who  later  became  the 
first  rector  of  Claremont.  In  1774  Wentworth  strongly  recommended  that 
he  be  elected  a  member  of  the  American  board  of  trustees.  See  Calvin  R. 
Batchelder's  History  of  the  Eastern  Diocese,  i,  180-185;  also  Chase's  History 
oj  Dartmouth  College,  p.  288. 

3.  "Wheelock  Manuscripts,"  no.  773209. 


THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE       117 

apparently  benevolent  interest  in  Wheelock's  institution?  Did 
he  promote  Dartmouth  College  merely  with  the  intention  of 
strengthening  the  Church  of  England  in  New  Hampshire?  Or 
was  this  proselyting  zeal  at  least  secondary  to  his  desire  to  give 
his  province  an  institution  of  learning  which,  regardless  of  de- 
nomination, should  create  more  intelligent  citizens?  Wentworth's 
general  character  gives  us  one  answer;  his  persistent  attempts 
towards  Episcopal  control  give  us  another. 

One  would  think  that  these  developments,  or  at  least  gestures, 
would  have  deprived  Dr.  Wheelock  of  no  small  amount  of  sleep 
first  and  last.  Certainly  his  original  suspicions  were  amply  con- 
firmed. But  if  Wheelock  was  troubled  he  preserved  a  placid  ex- 
terior and  matched  his  wits  against  the  Governor's.  He  and  his 
institution  had  everything  to  gain  from  Wentworth's  friendship. 
There  should,  therefore,  be  no  open  break,  however  irritating  the 
question  of  denomination  might  become.  On  the  other  hand,  he 
did  not  intend  to  give  an  inch  to  the  traditional  enemies  of  his 
church.  In  order  to  achieve  the  maximum  good  for  Dartmouth 
he  adopted  a  policy  of  tactful  vigilance.  Thus  in  the  same  letter 
in  which  he  discouraged  the  election  of  the  Bishop  of  London,  he 
suggested  that  the  College  should  be  named  Wentworth;  and  when 
the  Governor  proposed  that  Ripley  should  take  orders  and  avail 
himself  of  the  vacancy  at  King's  Chapel,  Wheelock,  with  ad- 
mirable self-control,  replied  that  the  tutor  could  not  be  spared 
from  the  College.  Then  he  adroitly  removed  whatever  injury 
might  remain  by  conferring  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Laws  upon 
the  disappointed  executive.  Although  not  naturally  a  diplomat, 
Dr.  Wheelock  believed  that  he  could  beat  the  Governor  at  his 
own  game  when  there  was  sufficient  reason  for  his  making  the 
effort  to  do  so.  The  results  sustained  his  judgment.  For  five 
years  he  checked  every  dangerous  move  Wen  tworth  made,  and  ac- 
complished his  purpose  so  skilfully  that  the  Governor  never  quite 


n8       THE  CHURCH  AND  THE  COLLEGE 

understood  why  his  campaign  did  not  progress.  But  whether 
Wheelock  could  have  continued  to  do  this  indefinitely  is  doubt- 
ful. Probably  the  president  of  Dartmouth  College  felt  more  re- 
lief than  he  would  have  liked  to  admit  when  the  outbreak  of  the 
American  Revolution  put  an  end  to  the  ecclesiastical  manoeuvres 
of  Governor  John  Wentworth. 


CHAPTER   X. 

DISTANT  THUNDER 

WHEN  Wentworth  returned  from  England  in  the  spring  of 
1767,  the  American  colonies  were  enjoying  a  happy  respite 
from  what  they  considered  iniquitous  taxation.  The  Stamp  Act 
had  been  repealed,  and  the  Revenue  Act  of  1764  had  been  super- 
seded by  a  less  burdensome  tariff.  The  right  of  Parliament  to 
make  laws  binding  upon  the  colonies  "in  all  cases  whatsoever" 
had  been  asserted  in  the  Declaratory  Act,  to  be  sure,  but  the 
majority  of  Americans  cheerfully  overlooked  this  manifesto  and 
gave  themselves  up  to  rejoicing  in  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act. 
At  New  York,  for  instance,  the  people  voted  statues  to  both 
William  Pitt  and  George  III,  and  the  colonists  in  general  looked 
forward  to  an  era  of  peace  and  prosperity.  On  this  tide  of  good 
feeling  John  Wentworth  came  into  office,  and  the  fact  that  he  had 
been  active  in  bringing  about  the  apparent  change  of  policy  led 
the  men  of  New  Hampshire  to  regard  him  as  their  champion. 
Probably  no  royal  governor  ever  received  a  more  genuine  wel- 
come to  the  scene  of  his  duties  than  that  accorded  to  Wentworth 
in  June,  1767.  "I  am  extremely  happy,"  he  wrote  a  few  weeks 
later,  "in  the  universal  esteem  of  all  this  province,  who  emulate 
each  other  in  obliging  me  and  endeavoring  to  make  my  adminis- 
tration as  easy  and  as  profitable  as  they  can.  Whatever  surmises 
may  have  arisen,  or  disgust  taken  place,  against  the  other  prov- 
inces, New  Hampshire  is  not  in  the  least  involved  in  it.  They  are 
obedient,  faithful  subjects,  and  ready  to  exert  their  utmost  power 
to  support  and  defend  the  British  government."  ' 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Stephen  Apthorp,  August  18,  1767. 


120  DISTANT  THUNDER 

While  America  rejoiced,  Parliament,  under  the  guidance  of  a 
new  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  was  devising  a  fresh  schedule  of 
taxes  for  the  colonies  and  the  machinery  for  collecting  them.  New 
duties  should  be  laid  upon  goods  imported,  and  the  customs  serv- 
ice should  be  reorganized.  These  measures  took  the  form  of  the 
Townshend  Acts,  which  taxed  the  importation  of  two  or  three 
English  manufactures  and  also  of  tea.  In  order  to  insure  the  col- 
lection of  these  duties  an  American  board  of  commissioners  of  the 
customs  was  provided;  and  in  order  to  facilitate  the  work  of  the 
Board  convenient  admiralty  courts,  which  meant  trial  without 
jury,  were  established  to  handle  revenue  cases.  These  laws  were 
passed  in  1767,  and  it  was  not  long  before  their  effect  was  felt 
in  the  colonies.  The  commissioners  of  the  customs,  five  in  num- 
ber, were  sent  to  Boston,  where  they  arrived  on  Guy  Fawkes  Day. 
They  reorganized  the  service  and  made  it  efficient,  but  their 
methods  irritated  the  Americans  and  troubled  Wentworth.  The 
Governor  decried  the  colonists'  tendency  to  be  "hasty,  zealous, 
and  inconsiderate"  in  their  opposition,  but  he  was  convinced  that 
his  countrymen  were  "possessed  of  hearts  most  unexceptionally 
attached,  nay  bigoted,  to  their  King  and  the  British  government." 
"Is  it  not  to  be  regretted,"  he  wrote  in  a  personal  letter,  "that 
such  subjects  should  be  goaded  into  excess,  by  either  a  deficiency 
or  contempt  of  conciliating  prudence  in  those  who  have  to  carry 
a  disagreeable  measure  into  execution;  instead  of  introducing  it, 
as  to  British  subjects,  loading  it  with  contemptuous,  positive,  ex- 
clusive edicts,  calculated  to  alarm  and  astonish?  Can  other  than 
irregularity  be  expected  from  such  conduct,  or  should  a  people  be 
indiscriminately  condemned  for  resentment,  when  even  every 
officer  in  the  department  complain  and  groan  under  the  super- 
cilious austerities  they  can  scarcely  endure?  Some  of  them  that 
are  gentlemen  of  worth  and  independence  I  know  are  scarcely  re- 
strained from  becoming  private  men,  that  they  may  vindicate 


DISTANT  THUNDER  121 

their  right  to  decency  with  their  swords.  It  would  be  endless  to 
instance.  In  short,  sir,  I  would  risk  my  eternal  salvation  that 
with  moderation,  prudence,  and  temper  the  act  would  have  surely 
taken  place  with  very  little  difficulty.  Not  one  healing  measure 
has  yet  appeared.  All  have  been  (in  the  sailors'  style)  'Obey  the 
act  and  be  damned!'  The  answer  is  readily  known  from  London 
Bridge  through  all  his  Majesty's  dominions,  without  enquiring 
what  it  is.  All  Englishmen  will  huzza  out,  'We'll  be  damned  if 
we  do!'"' 

Probably  the  particular  "irregularity"  Wentworth  had  in 
mind  was  the  riot  in  Boston  which  had  followed  the  seizure 
of  John  Hancock's  sloop  Liberty.  Upon  a  somewhat  doubtful 
accusation  of  smuggling,  the  Liberty  was  libeled  by  the  cus- 
toms officers  at  Boston  and  was  towed  out  into  the  harbor  until 
she  lay  under  the  guns  of  a  man-of-war  that  had  been  sent  hither 
at  the  request  of  the  commissioners.  A  crowd  gathered  to  watch 
these  proceedings,  but  did  not  interfere  with  the  seizure  of  the 
vessel.  Nevertheless,  the  atmosphere  must  have  been  tense,  for 
when  the  officials  turned  away  from  the  wharf  and  walked  to- 
wards the  custom  house  they  were  attacked  by  the  crowd  and  so 
roughly  handled  that  two  of  them  were  unable  to  attend  to  their 
duties  for  several  days.  Later  in  the  evening  a  mob  visited  the 
houses  of  various  officers  of  the  customs  and  gave  vent  to  its  feel- 
ings by  smashing  windows.  Finally,  the  rioters  seized  the  col- 
lector's pleasure  boat,  "built  by  himself  in  a  particular  and  ele- 
gant manner,"  dragged  it  through  the  streets,  and  burned  it  on 
the  Common.  It  is  not  surprising  that  after  this  demonstration 
the  commissioners,  with  one  exception,  decided  to  remove  them- 
selves and  their  families  from  the  turbulent  town.  At  first  they 
sought  safety  on  board  the  man-of-war  in  the  harbor,  and  later 
found  more  comfortable  quarters    in  Castle  William,  now  Fort 

1.  John  Wentvoorth  to  Dr.  Belham,  August  9,  1768. 


122  DISTANT  THUNDER 

Independence.  Neither  is  it  surprising  that  they  urgently  re- 
quested the  government  in  England  to  send  soldiers  for  their 
support  or  protection  as  the  case  might  demand. 

To  Wentworth  such  disturbances  seemed  as  unnecessary  as 
they  were  disgraceful,  and  he  was  glad  to  be  able  to  express  his 
sentiments  in  a  letter  to  one  of  his  friends. 

These  Americans  have  been  very  wrong,  but  any  dispassionate  ob- 
server would  honestly  say  that  those  who  have  made  them  so  are  more 
culpable.  I  mean  in  the  execution,  —  not  the  Acts  themselves,  they 
are  not  for  me  to  consider.  Nor  would  they  have  been  effectually 
opposed  had  they  civilly  and  with  tolerable  decency  and  good  humor 
been  presented,  instead  of  crammed  down  harshly  and  with  contempt, 
nolens  volens.  I  am  convinced  this  is  the  true  case  from  my  own  experi- 
ence. On  my  arrival  here  the  same  temper  pervaded:  I  considered 
well  the  genius  and  prevailing  opinions  of  the  people;  marked  closely 
the  progress  of  inquietude,  and  the  operation  it  had  after  the  crisis. 
From  hence  I  soon  determined  that  the  grand  secret  of  peace  and 
safety  was  to  cause  them  to  think  before  they  acted,  the  longer  the 
better;  and  to  be  steady,  open,  and  resolute,  without  any  mystery  or 
intrigue.  In  this  way  there  never  will  be  great  tumults.  It  is  impracti- 
cable to  raise  a  great  dangerous  mob  if  all  the  business  is  understood. 
In  fact,  men  will  not  be  led  on  to  broken  heads,  gaols,  and  gallows,  un- 
less they  are  somehow  deceived. 

I  will  note  you  an  instance  in  point.  In  this  establishment  of  rev- 
enue one  gentleman  was  (unjustly  I  verily  believe)  universally  de- 
tested at  all  times  and  places  where  he  was.  Every  insult  and  distress 
was  thrown  upon  him,  his  person  and  property  vilified  and  destroyed 
outrageously.  The  course  of  his  duty  required  his  attendance  here. 
The  zealots  from  Boston  notified  their  more  moderate  brethern  here, 
and  expected  every  indignity  and  resentment  against  the  officer  on  his 
arrival,  and  to  have  driven  him  out  of  town.  I  heard  of  his  coming  in 
time,  and  determined  at  all  events  to  secure  this  first  design,  knowing 
it  would  give  a  complexion  to  all  future  measures,  either  for  or  against 
my  peace  and  the  honor  of  the  province. 

Immediately  I  enquired  of  some  warm  people,  what  the  business  of 
such  an  officer  was.  They  told  me  what  I  knew  well  enough  before.  I 
observed  there  was  no  harm  in  it,except  to  custom-house  officers  whom 
it  might  torment.    They  joined,  and  were  glad  he  was  coming.    I 


DISTANT  THUNDER  123 

wished  he  might.  Thus  they  became  his  guard.  To  others  I  observed 
how  hard  it  was  that  Boston  had  all  their  money.  They  joined,  and 
embraced  the  artifice  of  making  the  first  so  happy  that  the  rest  should 
wish  to  travel  among  us.  By  degrees  it  was  known  he  was  to  come; 
three  or  four  days  abused,  three  or  four  more  they  enquired,  and  found 
both  the  man  and  his  duty  entirely  innoxious;  and  by  his  arrival  all 
was  well.  He  was  here,  as  any  other  gentleman,  kindly  entertained. 
He  behaved  well,  and  since  has  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  is  now 
received  in  peace.  On  his  arrival  I  took  occasion  to  have  him  in  my 
coach  with  me  two  or  three  times,  by  way  of  leading  an  example. 
At  his  departure  he  expressed  great  satisfaction  and  respect  to  the 
province. 

In  any  other  way  we  should  have  had  a  flaming  riot,  and  I  might 
have  fallen,  for  I  am  positively  determined  to  suppress  any  open  tu- 
mult in  person  at  all  risk,  and  by  no  means  to  suffer  the  laws  to  be 
violently  broken  or  the  King's  authority  condemned.  I  will  first  pre- 
vent by  prudence,  but  if  necessary  I  will  suppress  by  all  the  power  the 
law  hath,  if  I  am  left  singly  to  oppose  thousands.  From  this  recital 
you'll  see  the  genius  of  the  people,  and  that  candor  and  reason  are 
more  necessary  than  troops  and  ships  to  govern  them  by.1 

If  the  radical  element  in  the  population  at  first  mistook  this  en- 
lightened policy  for  timidity  they  did  not  deceive  themselves  for 
long.  Wentworth  usually  spoke  softly,  but  he  was  a  man  of  ac- 
tion, and  his  remark  about  suppressing  disorder,  personally  and 
at  all  risk,  was  not  mere  bravado.  At  thirty  years  of  age  he  knew 
what  many  executives  fail  to  realize  at  sixty,  —  that  "much  de- 
pends upon  acting  with  spirit  upon  the  occasion."  And  no  one 
could  accuse  him  of  not  acting  with  spirit  in  the  episode  which  he 
described  as  follows: 

Sometime  since,  the  sheriff,  as  was  his  duty,  informed  me  that  three 
hundred  men  in  arms  were  within  two  miles,  determined  to  rescue  a 
prisoner  from  execution.  It  was  then  midnight.  I  ordered  him  to 
notify  the  colonel  of  militia  in  town  to  attend  me  in  fifteen  minutes,  on 
the  parade  by  the  gaol,  with  one  hundred  men.  Called  all  the  council 
[that]  could  be  found  to  the  same  place,  at  the  same  time  they  were  all 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Dr.  Belham,  August  9,  1768. 


124  DISTANT  THUNDER 

paraded.  Bitter  cold;  and  the  colonel  an  old  gentleman,  seventy-two 
years  old,  of  great  fortune,  and  my  uncle.  I  told  them  what  they  were 
called  together  for;  gave  orders  on  the  assault  being  made  to  fire  and 
kill  as  many  as  they  could,  and  then  to  take  what  prisoners  was  possible 
to  hang  up  the  next  day  by  a  trial  at  law.  This  order  was  carried  to 
the  insurgents  in  eight  minutes  by  one  of  their  scouts,  whose  fears  of  a 
gallows  magnified  our  numbers  to  more  than  a  regiment,  and  so  dis- 
heartened the  poor  mob  (who  turned  out  to  be  only  ninety)  that  they 
all  fled,  each  man  to  his  tent.  Since  that  time  we  have  not  had  even 
an  escape,  though  the  prison  may  be  knocked  down  by  an  old  woman.1 

When  the  Townshend  Acts  had  been  in  force  a  few  months,  the 
people  of  Massachusetts  had  seen  enough  of  the  commissioners 
and  their  methods  to  be  certain  that  they  desired  the  repeal  of  the 
unpopular  laws.  Remembering  the  apparent  good  result  of  joint 
effort  on  the  part  of  the  colonies  in  their  recent  opposition  to  the 
Stamp  Act,  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  sent  a 
circular  letter  to  the  other  assemblies  on  the  continent,  inviting 
an  exchange  of  ideas  and  recommending  concerted  action  in  their 
present  difficulty.  When  this  letter  reached  Portsmouth  Gover- 
nor Wentworth  prevailed  upon  the  New  Hampshire  Assembly  to 
decline  the  invitation.  He  did  not  place  any  impediment  in  the 
way  of  their  petitioning  the  Crown  as  representatives  of  a  single 
province,  but  he  discouraged  their  entering  any  union  or  combi- 
nation with  the  others.  Thus  New  Hampshire  followed  the  prec- 
edent she  had  established  at  the  time  of  the  Stamp  Act  Congress. 
She  held  aloof  from  her  more  aggressive  sisters  and  trusted  to  the 
efficacy  of  separate  pleas  for  relief.2  Nevertheless,  by  indorsing 
the  Virginia  Resolves  of  1768  and  1769,  which  denied  the  right  of 
Parliament  to  tax  the  colonies,  the  representatives  of  New  Hamp- 
shire made  it  clear  that  although  their  method  of  securing  redress 

1.  "John  Wentworth  to  Dr.  Be/ham,  August  9,  1768. 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  June  25,  1768;  also  New 
Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  1 87-1 88,  248-249. 


DISTANT  THUNDER  125 

might  differ  from  that  of  the  other  assemblies  their  political 
ideas  were  in  perfect  accord  with  those  of  their  neighbors. 

The  attitude  of  the  merchants  resembled  that  of  the  legislators. 
In  a  number  of  the  other  colonies  many  of  the  leading  citizens 
made  agreements  not  to  import  any  goods  which  were  taxed  by 
Parliament.  The  members  of  these  "associations,"  as  they  were 
called,  intended  to  bring  economic  pressure  to  bear  upon  the  ex- 
porting houses  of  England  and  thus  to  oblige  the  government  to 
repeal  the  taxes.  The  same  method  had  been  employed  at  the 
time  of  the  Stamp  Act,  and  with  success.  It  was  worth  trying 
again.  The  scheme  met  with  general  favor  and  was  adopted  by 
the  merchants  of  almost  all  the  northern  colonies.  But  the  busi- 
ness men  of  Portsmouth  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  any  such  proposition 
in  spite  of  the  entreaties  of  their  friends  in  Boston.  Was  this,  too, 
due  to  the  exhortation  of  the  popular  governor  of  New  Hamp- 
shire? Indirectly,  perhaps;  but  the  most  convincing  explanation 
appears  in  the  fact  that  in  many  cases  the  leading  merchants  were 
also  office-holders  appointed  by  the  Crown.  If  they  valued  their 
commissions  and  the  social  prestige  which  their  offices  conferred 
they  would  be  hesitant,  to  say  the  least,  about  entering  into  a 
scheme  which  savored  of  active  opposition  to  the  imperial  gov- 
ernment. 

A  natural  corollary  to  the  policy  of  non-importation  was  the  in- 
crease of  manufacturing  in  the  colonies,  a  development  which  was 
thoroughly  distasteful  to  the  commercial  element  in  Parliament. 
In  the  interest  of  English  manufacturers  the  production  of  goods 
in  the  colonies  had  been  discouraged  by  statute  more  than  once. 
Woolen  goods,  for  instance,  might  not  be  marketed  outside  the 
limits  of  the  province  in  which  they  were  made;  and  although 
America  was  the  land  of  furs,  a  similar  restriction  prevented  the 
extensive  manufacture  of  hats  in  the  colonies.  Likewise,  lest  the 
English  iron  industry  should  encounter  serious  competition  the 


126  DISTANT  THUNDER 

Americans  were  not  allowed  to  establish  any  steel  furnaces  or 
slitting  mills.1  The  temptation  to  break  these  laws  had  always 
existed,  and  now  that  the  non-importation  agreements  acted  as 
a  prohibitive  tariff,  enterprising  men  found  it  doubly  difficult  to 
resist.  Furthermore,  public  opinion  was  in  favor  of  frugality  and 
economic  independence.  Wentworth  felt  the  spirit  of  the  times 
and  became  uneasy.  "All  the  country  seems  possessed  with  a 
madness  of  manufacture  and  economy,"  he  wrote  to  some  mer- 
chant friends  in  London.  "  In  this  province  we  have  enough  to  do 
to  grow  bread,  and  do  not  enter  into  any  schemes,  —  but  in  the 
others  every  hovel  wears  the  face  of  labor  and  industry.  The 
soldiers,  though  idle  artisans  in  Europe,  are  caressed  to  learn 
their  various  arts  to  the  people,  who  secrete  and  cover  their  daily 
desertions  to  this  purpose."  2 

The  soldiers  referred  to  were,  of  course,  the  two  regiments 
which  had  been  sent  to  Boston  at  the  urgent  request  of  the  com- 
missioners of  the  customs.  The  troops  arrived  early  in  October, 
1768,  and,  although  their  presence  did  not  lead  at  once  to  hostil- 
ities, Wentworth  felt,  and  sometimes  expressed,  grave  doubts 
concerning  the  wisdom  of  this  new  departure  in  colonial  adminis- 
tration. When  writing  to  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  he  was 
sure  of  a  sympathetic  reader,  and  likewise  of  a  discreet  friend.  "  I 
am  at  a  loss,"  he  declared,  "to  inform  your  Lordship  of  any  real 
use  or  necessity  for  this  armament.  It  cannot  be  advantageous 
to  the  revenue,  which  will  not  suffice  to  repay  half  of  the  expense. 
If  it  is  intended  to  secure  the  dependence  of  the  colonies,  I  fear  it 
will  operate  the  other  way;  perhaps  military  power  may  preserve 
the  subjection  of  conquests,  but  I  believe  it  is  positively  true  that 
the  just  dependence  of  the  British  colonies  in  this  continent  can 
be  ascertained  only  by  a  wise,  moderate,  and  well-timed  reforma- 

1.  W.  E.  H.  Lecky's  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  iii,  325. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  Trecothick  and  Apthorp,  May  2,  1769. 


DISTANT  THUNDER  127 

tion  and  strengthening  of  their  government."  '  Precisely  what 
measures  the  Governor  had  in  mind  when  he  penned  the  last 
phrase  can  be  only  conjectured,  but  in  the  light  of  subsequent 
events  none  can  deny  the  wisdom  of  his  main  thesis. 

Unlike  both  its  predecessor  and  its  successor  the  year  1769  was 
free  from  outbreaks  of  violence  in  the  colonies,  and  superficial 
observers  were  inclined  to  take  an  optimistic  view  of  the  relations 
between  America  and  England.  John  Wentworth  saw  more 
clearly.  He  rejoiced,  of  course,  in  the  absence  of  riots,  but  he  was 
not  encouraged  by  the  more  recent  phase  of  the  controversy,  for 
lawlessness  of  the  moment  had  given  way  to  a  deep-rooted  and 
almost  universal  political  theory  which  denied  the  power  of  Par- 
liament to  tax  the  American  colonies.  Wentworth  was  prepared 
to  crush  the  former  with  promptness  and  severity,  but  in  the 
latter  he  recognized  a  more  dangerous  enemy,  which  lurked  in 
every  corner  of  his  own  well-behaved  province.  He  knew  not  how 
to  contend  with  this  kind  of  foe,  so  elusive  it  was  and  yet  so 
pervasive.  Again  he  communicated  his  fears  to  his  friend,  the 
Marquis: 

I  sincerely  wish  I  could  think  the  colonies,  though  free  from  open 
riot,  were  likely  to  get  back  to  their  old  ground.  The  contrary  seems 
to  me  to  be  daily  obtaining,  and  I  really  think  that  unless  there  are 
some  means  found  to  allay  their  apprehensions  and  jealousies,  and  to 
invigorate  the  powers  of  government  in  its  first  principles,  these 
colonies  will  be  forever  the  cause  of  difficulty  and  trouble  to  Great 
Britain.  The  conduct  in  the  colonies  was  first  impelled  by  vexation 
and  passion  into  excess.  It  now  seems  subsiding  into  principle  and 
system,  infinitely  more  likely  to  get  rooted  than  all  the  former  noise 
and  clamor.  If  these  circumstances  are  early  and  wisely  considered, 
mutual  confidence  will  again  flourish;  but  otherwise  cordiality  will 
soon  be  converted  into  perpetual  distrust.2 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  November  13,  1768. 
1.  Ibid.,  September  17,  1769. 


128  DISTANT  THUNDER 

On  two  other  occasions  Wentworth's  prophetic  utterances  were 
even  more  remarkable.    When  other  men  were  blinded  by  ig- 
norance or  by  obstinacy  he  saw  the  true  significance  of  the  situa- 
tion, and  knew  that  either  reformation  or  revolution  must  come. 
As  early  as  1768  he  urged  the  importance  of  tact  and  prudence  in 
dealing  with  the  Americans,  and  at  the  same  time  predicted  the 
consequences  of  continued  misgovernment.  "  I  do  aver  positively 
that  Great  Britain  has  now  the  hearts,  labour,  and  wealth  of  all 
her  American  colonies  in  her  own  power  and  disposal,  and  that  by 
proper  measures  from  this  time  you  may  date  what  casts  their 
future  time  shall  wear.    I  wish  it  might  be  thought  best  to  let 
every  present  commotion  subside,  before  any  new  measure  is 
taken;  make  the  officers  more  independent;  entrust  them  to  dis- 
pense the  benefits  to  the  friends  of  Government;  hear  and  con- 
sider candidly  their  advice  and  information;  and  whenever  they 
are  found  to  be  incapable  of  the  service,  remove  them;  and  if  un- 
just or  unfaithful,  punish  to  immediate  irreversible  death.    Thus, 
sir,  Great  Britain  will  long  rejoice  in  her  colonies;  otherwise, 
within  a  century  she  will  have  the  love  and  alliance  of  a  sister 
state  that  sprung  from  her  own  bowels."  1 

Equally  perspicacious  was  the  prediction  concerning  his  own 
province.  Although  New  Hampshire,  largely  owing  to  its  gov- 
ernor's influence  and  popularity,  had  as  yet  refrained  from  violent 
opposition  to  the  imperial  government,  Wentworth  was  not  de- 
ceived into  thinking  that  his  people  had  less  spirit  than  those  of 
the  other  colonies.  "Our  province  is  yet  quiet,"  he  wrote,  a  few 
days  before  the  Boston  Massacre,  "and  the  only  one,  but  will,  I 
fear,  soon  enter.  If  they  do,  they'll  exceed  all  the  rest  in  zeal." 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Dr.  Belham,  August  9,  1768. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

DARKENING  SKIES 

THE  non-importation  agreements  made  by  the  merchants  of 
the  American  colonies  produced  the  desired  effect  in  Eng- 
land. British  manufacturers  and  exporters  suffered  acutely  from 
the  loss  of  the  American  market,  and  the  depression  which  fol- 
lowed in  their  business  affairs  threw  a  large  number  of  wage- 
earners  out  of  employment.  The  reduced  purchasing  power  of 
the  laboring  class  in  turn  affected  all  kinds  of  industries  and 
brought  the  situation  forcefully  to  the  attention  of  Parliament. 
The  author  of  the  Townshend  Acts  was  no  longer  living.  In  his 
place  Lord  North  was  endeavoring  to  devise  ways  and  means  for 
financing  the  empire.  North  realized  that  the  present  system  of 
colonial  taxation  was  both  unremunerative  to  the  government 
and  hurtful  to  England's  industries,  and  he  advocated  the  repeal 
of  the  Townshend  duties  with  the  exception  of  the  tax  on  tea, 
which  was  allowed  to  stand  since  the  consumption  or  non-con- 
sumption of  tea  would  not  affect  English  manufacturers. 

Parliament  passed  Lord  North's  measures,  and  the  members 
may  well  have  thought  that  an  era  of  friendship  would  ensue  in 
colonial  affairs,  which,  except  for  the  trifling  tax  on  tea,  were  now 
on  the  same  basis  as  after  the  repeal  of  the  Stamp  Act.  There  re- 
mained, of  course,  the  old  duties  on  molasses,  sugar,  wine,  and 
tobacco,  but  serious  objection  had  not  been  made  to  these  in  the 
days  before  the  Townshend  Acts  were  passed.  Why  should  they 
cause  unrest  now?  This  would  have  been  the  reasonable  view  for 
any  Englishman  to  hold  in  1770,  but  it  left  out  of  account  the 
American  doctrine  which  had  become  almost  universally  ac- 


130  DARKENING  SKIES 

cepted  in  the  colonies  during  the  previous  four  or  five  years.  This 
doctrine  maintained  that  the  colonists  could  be  taxed  constitu- 
tionally only  by  their  own  assemblies.  On  this  principle  the  re- 
maining duties  were  as  objectionable  as  those  from  which  they 
had  won  relief.  Furthermore,  the  administrative  machinery 
erected  under  the  Townshend  Acts  continued  in  operation  and 
made  the  collection  of  the  old  duties  more  efficient  and  more  vex- 
atious than  it  had  been  in  1766.  Hence,  although  the  future 
might  look  bright  to  an  Englishman  in  England,  John  Wentworth 
was  convinced  that  Lord  North's  legislation  was  little  more  than 
a  palliative.  For  other  reasons,  too,  the  Governor  regarded  the 
situation  with  uncomfortable  forebodings. 

Although  the  merchants  of  Portsmouth  had  declined  to  make 
a  non-importation  agreement,  an  incident  which  occurred  in  1770 
made  it  doubtful  if  they  could  continue  to  maintain  their  inde- 
pendence in  this  matter.  A  number  of  Boston  dealers,  who  had 
refused  to  concur  in  the  agreement  existing  between  many  of 
their  neighbors  and  competitors,  found  public  opinion  against 
them  so  strong  that  they  could  not  do  business  in  Massachusetts. 
Portsmouth  was  the  obvious  place  for  merchants  of  their  stripe, 
and  to  Portsmouth  they  removed.  This  infuriated  the  Boston- 
ians,  for  they  intended  to  force  them  into  their  combination  or 
else  to  harry  them  out  of  the  land.  If  Portsmouth  accepted  them, 
then  Portsmouth  should  suffer  likewise.  The  Massachusetts 
associates,  therefore,  declared  commercial  war  upon  all  mer- 
chants of  the  Piscataqua  by  refusing  to  trade  with  them  until  they 
too  should  make  a  non-importation  agreement.  And  in  order  to 
make  the  boycott  more  effective  they  wrote  to  Connecticut,  New 
York,  and  all  the  southern  provinces  asking  their  cooperation. 
Apparently  the  capital  of  New  Hampshire  must  choose  between 
non-importation  and  starvation.1   As  it  turned  out,  however,  the 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  October  18,  1770. 


DARKENING  SKIES  131 

situation  was  not  so  desperate  as  it  seemed,  for  the  established 
merchants  of  Portsmouth  naturally  disliked  these  new  people, 
whose  coming  was  likely  to  diminish  their  profits  regardless  of 
this  rupture  with  the  other  colonies.  A  public  meeting  was  held 
at  which  the  people  declared  a  boycott  against  the  newcomers, 
and  resolved  that  those  who  "encouraged,  aided  or  assisted  them 
should  be  esteemed  enemies  of  the  town."  l  Apparently  this 
action  satisfied  the  zealots  at  Boston,  for  Portsmouth  neither 
starved  nor  decreed  non-importation.  But  in  the  Bostonians' 
threat  to  destroy  the  commerce  of  New  Hampshire  Wentworth 
recognized  a  new  force,  with  which  he  might  have  to  contend  at 
any  time. 

Another  cause  for  uneasiness  lay  in  the  trend  of  events  at 
Exeter.  Although  this  was  one  of  the  oldest  towns  in  the  prov- 
ince, its  inhabitants  had  never  been  so  noticeably  law-abiding  as 
those  of  Portsmouth  or  Dover.  They  rarely  hesitated  to  make 
their  sentiments  known  either  by  word  or  by  deed,  and  geo- 
graphically they  were  just  far  enough  removed  from  Portsmouth 
not  to  feel  the  personal  influence  of  the  Governor.  Lately  Exeter 
had  begun  to  look  to  Boston  for  guidance,  instead  of  to  the 
capital,  and  in  consequence  had  become  the  acknowledged  center 
of  disaffection  in  New  Hampshire.  When  news  of  the  Boston 
Massacre  arrived,  the  citizens  of  Exeter  held  a  town  meeting  and 
voted  in  favor  of  economy,  the  encouragement  of  domestic  manu- 
factures, and  the  non-consumption  of  tea.2  Wentworth,  recog- 
nizing these  unfavorable  symptoms,  added  Colonel  Peter  Gilman, 
Exeter's  foremost  citizen,  to  the  Council,  and  hoped  thus  to  bind 
the  town  to  the  government  by  ties  of  interest  and  affection;  for 
if  Massachusetts  and  the  other  colonies  should  exert  economic 

1.  Adams's  Annals  of  Portsmouth,  pp.  226-227. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Hillsborough,  April  28,  1770.  See  also, 
Charles  H.  Bell's  History  oj  Exeter,  pp.  80-81. 


132  DARKENING  SKIES 

pressure  from  without  and  Exeter  should  at  the  same  time  lead  a 
rebellion  from  within,  the  administration  of  his  Majesty's  govern- 
ment would  be  difficult  indeed. 

Strange  as  it  may  seem,  the  first  ebullition  of  unrest  occurred 
not  at  Exeter,  but  at  Portsmouth.  One  day,  late  in  October, 
1 77 1,  the  brigantine  Resolution  sailed  up  the  Piscataqua  and 
entered  her  cargo  at  the  custom-house.  Her  captain,  however, 
carefully  refrained  from  making  any  reference  to  a  hundred  hogs- 
heads of  molasses  which  were  discovered  by  the  revenue  officers. 
This  made  trouble,  of  course,  and  the  Resolution  was  seized  by 
the  government.  About  midnight  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  Octo- 
ber "a  numerous  company"  of  men,  in  disguise  and  armed  with 
clubs,  came  aboard  the  vessel,  persuaded  some  of  the  officers  to 
go  ashore,  locked  up  the  others  in  the  cabin,  and  then  unloaded 
and  carried  off  the  molasses  at  their  leisure.1  Wentworth  was  in- 
dignant, and  immediately  issued  a  proclamation  offering  a  re- 
ward of  two  hundred  dollars  to  any  person  or  persons  who  would 
voluntarily  give  sufficient  evidence  to  convict  any  of  the  princi- 
pals in  this  mild  riot.  But  popular  opinion  favored  the  con- 
spirators; their  names  were  never  divulged,  and  the  smuggling  of 
the  Resolution's  cargo  remains  to  this  day  unpunished. 

After  this  episode  comparative  peace  prevailed  in  New  Hamp- 
shire for  two  years.  Then  the  determination  of  the  British  gov- 
ernment to  seduce  the  Americans  into  drinking  taxed  tea  caused 
demonstrations  of  varying  degree  throughout  the  continental 
colonies.  Boston  had  its  Tea  Party.  Portsmouth  was  more 
moderate,  but  no  less  determined,  in  her  resistance.  On  the  very 
day  when  the  Bostonians  emptied  chests  of  tea  into  the  harbor, 
Wentworth's  fellow- townsmen  held  a  public  meeting  and  adopted 
a  set  of  resolves.  These  made  perfectly  clear  the  issue  between 
the  Americans  and  Parliament,  advocated  "a  union  of  all  the 

I.  New  Hampshire  Stale  Papers,  xviii,  606-607. 


DARKENING  SKIES  133 

colonies"  to  obtain  redress,  and  declared  specifically  that  in  case 
any  tea  of  the  East  India  Company  were  brought  to  Portsmouth, 
the  inhabitants  would  use  "every  necessary  method  to  prevent 
its  being  landed  or  sold."  The  first  test  of  this  threat  occurred 
six  months  later,  when,  on  the  twenty-fifth  of  June,  1774,  the 
mast-ship  Grosvenor  came  up  the  harbor  with  twenty-seven 
chests  of  tea  consigned  to  a  merchant  in  Portsmouth.  The 
Governor,  well  aware  of  recent  events  at  Boston,  knew  that 
a  critical  moment  was  at  hand  and  conducted  himself  ac- 
cordingly. 

As  soon  as  Wentworth  learned  that  the  troublesome  tea  was 
approaching  Portsmouth,  he  interviewed  the  consignee  and  had 
him  write  instructions  to  the  master  of  the  ship.  These  instruc- 
tions the  Governor  entrusted  to  Captain  Cochran  of  Fort  William 
and  Mary,  who  delivered  them  at  sea.  In  this  way  concerted 
action  was  assured  and  any  unnecessary  delay  avoided.  On 
Monday,  the  27th,  Wentworth,  with  apparent  unconcern,  rode 
to  Dover  to  spend  the  day.  In  his  absence  the  merchant  and 
master  went  to  the  custom-house,  entered  the  ship  and  cargo,  and 
at  noon  the  tea  was  landed  at  the  wharf.  From  there  it  was  carted 
to  the  custom-house  and  safely  stored  before  any  people  could 
assemble  to  obstruct  its  progress.  The  Governor  believed  that 
his  absence  was  largely  responsible  for  this  peaceful  landing  of  the 
tea,  for  the  populace  assumed  that  nothing  so  dangerous  would 
be  attempted  except  when  he  was  at  Portsmouth  and  conse- 
quently were  caught  napping.  Perhaps  this  was  the  case.  At  any 
rate,  when  the  news  got  abroad  a  town  meeting  was  called  for 
that  very  afternoon.  As  it  was  a  summer  day  the  people  assem- 
bled in  the  open  air,  and  at  a  well-chosen  moment  Governor 
Wentworth  appeared  on  horseback,  riding  through  the  concourse 
and  greeting  his  acquaintances  in  his  usual  friendly  manner. 
Much  to  his  delight  the  people  reciprocated  and  treated  him  with 


i34  DARKENING  SKIES 

their  customary  kindness  and  respect.  The  temper  of  the  meet- 
ing, too,  was  surprisingly  moderate.  The  leaders  argued  that 
since  the  tea  had  been  actually  landed  and  placed  in  the  custom 
house  nothing  could  be  done  except  by  arrangement  with  the 
consignee.  Therefore  a  committee  of  eleven  was  appointed  to 
take  the  matter  up  with  him.  The  town  also  chose  a  guard  to 
protect  the  custom-house  and  the  tea  from  violence. 

On  the  following  day  the  merchant  and  the  committee  came 
to  terms.  The  former  agreed  to  export  the  tea  to  Halifax,  if  the 
town  of  Portsmouth  would  reship  it  and  protect  it  while  in  the 
harbor.  Thereupon  the  conference  adjourned  to  the  custom- 
house "where  the  duty  was  openly  and  regularly  paid,  and  the 
tea  again  carted  through  the  streets  publicly  in  the  daytime,  with- 
out noise,  tumult,  or  insult."  l  After  dark,  it  is  true,  "  three  over- 
heated mariners  (two  of  them  strangers)  endeavored  to  excite  a 
mob  to  destroy  the  tea  and  the  vessel  hired  to  export  it,"  but 
their  designs  were  frustrated  by  Colonel  Fenton  and  a  few  gentle- 
men, who  personally  guarded  the  sloop  that  night.  Two  days 
later  the  twenty-seven  chests  of  tea,  "perfectly  safe  and  in  good 
order,"  were  on  their  way  to  Halifax. 

John  Wentworth's  success  in  preventing  a  Portsmouth  Tea 
Party  is  the  more  remarkable  because  the  incident  occurred  at  a 
time  when  his  popularity  was  undergoing  a  severe  strain.  The 
Assembly  which  met  early  in  May  was  urged  by  the  Governor 
not  to  enter  into  any  union  or  combination  with  the  other  prov- 
inces, but  in  spite  of  this  exhortation  it  appointed  a  committee  of 
correspondence,  which  should  keep  in  touch  with  the  forces  of 
opposition  throughout  the  continental  colonies.  Although  the 
measure  was  passed  by  a  bare  majority  of  one,  Wentworth 
realized  that  the  representatives  of  the  people  were  fast  getting 
out  of  hand,  and  when  he  learned  indirectly  that  the  next  bus- 

i .  Parliamentary  Register,  i,  62-63. 


DARKENING  SKIES  135 

iness  to  come  before  them  would  be  the  election  of  delegates  to 
a  general  American  congress,  he  dissolved  the  Assembly  in  a 
straightforward  but  good-natured  manner.1  By  so  doing  he 
hoped  to  keep  his  province  out  of  the  proposed  congress.  He 
hoped  also  to  put  an  end  to  the  dangerous  committee  of  corre- 
spondence, which,  in  the  eyes  of  constitutional  law,  ceased  to  be 
from  the  moment  of  dissolution. 

Although  legally  non-existent,  the  committee  of  correspondence 
now  boldly  usurped  some  of  the  powers  of  the  executive,  and 
summoned  the  members  of  the  Assembly  to  meet  in  the  court- 
house on  July  6th  for  the  avowed  purpose  of  electing  delegates 
to  the  First  Continental  Congress.    In  attempting  to  hold  this 
meeting  in  a  government  building  the  committee  made  a  mis- 
take, for  unless  legally  convened  by  the  governor,  the  Assembly 
had  no  right  to  be  there.   Wentworth  realized  this,  and  when  a 
sufficient  number  had  collected  in  the  Chamber  of  the  Repre- 
sentatives he  appeared  before  them,  attended  by  his  Council  and 
the  sheriff  of  Rockingham  County.    According  to  custom  the 
members  rose  at  his  entrance.  The  Governor  made  a  short  speech, 
called  their  attention  to  the  illegality  of  the  meeting,  and  then 
bade  them  disperse  without  disturbing  the  King's  peace.    The 
representatives  of  the  people  knew  that  Wentworth  was  right, 
and  that  he  usually  meant  what  he  said.  After  he  left  the  room 
they  discussed  the  situation  briefly  and  then  adjourned  to  a 
neighboring  tavern.    Being  now  within  their  rights,  they  pro- 
ceeded with  the  business  of  the  meeting  and  recommended  that 
every  parish  in  the  province  should  send  deputies  to  Exeter  on 
July  21,  to  attend  a  convention  which  should  elect  delegates  to 
the  Continental  Congress.  Thus  began  the  American  Revolution 
in  New  Hampshire.   On  the  appointed  day  the  convention  met. 
Colonel  Nathaniel  Folsom  and  Major  John  Sullivan  were  chosen 

1 .  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  369. 


136  DARKENING  SKIES 

to  represent  the  province  at  Philadelphia,  and  three  weeks  later 
they  were  on  their  way  to  that  town.1 

The  First  Continental  Congress  met  in  September,  1774,  and 
continued  to  sit  until  late  in  October.  Among  its  most  important 
acts  was  the  adoption  of  an  agreement  to  make  a  united  attack 
upon  English  industries,  in  order  to  force  Parliament  to  change 
its  colonial  policy.  By  this  covenant  the  delegates  bound  them- 
selves and  their  constituents  to  import  no  merchandise  whatso- 
ever from  Great  Britain,  and  to  practice  economy  in  every  way. 
Thus  non-importation,  which  had  proved  an  effective  weapon  in 
the  hands  of  the  individual  colonies,  became  a  national  affair.  Of 
this  measure  Wentworth  took  a  curiously  cynical  view,  and  one 
of  his  observations  is  worthy  of  a  modern  ultra-economic  his- 
torian. "The  Continental  Congress,"  he  wrote,  "have  recom- 
mended a  non-importation  after  5  th  December  next,  which  I 
believe  will  be  adhered  to  very  strictly  because  the  party  have 
large  quantities  by  them,  which  in  this  case  will  yield  an  extor- 
tionate profit;  but  if  the  trade  is  unobstructed  would  probably 
bankrupt  many  of  them."  2  He  must  have  forgotten,  however, 
that  the  Congress  had  taken  care  to  prevent  profiteering  of  this 
kind  by  threatening  to  boycott  any  merchants  who  should  take 
advantage  of  the  consequent  shortage  of  goods.3 

The  immediate  cause  of  the  call  for  a  Continental  Congress  had 
been  the  repressive  measures  adopted  by  Parliament  to  punish 
the  people  of  Boston  for  their  recent  Tea  Party.  The  harshest  of 
these  was  the  Boston  Port  Act  which  closed  the  harbor  to  all 
commerce  until  the  inhabitants  should  reimburse  the  East  India 
Company  for  the  destruction  of  its  tea.  Since  the  town  was 
largely  dependent  upon  the  other  colonies  for  its  food  supply,  the 

1.  Parliamentary  Register,  i,  64-66. 

2.  John  Wentvoorth  to  Corbyn  Morris,  November  16,  1774. 

3.  Journals  of  the  Continental  Congress  (Ford  edition),  i,  78. 


DARKENING   SKIES  137 

Bostonians  were  thus  confronted  with  the  prospect  of  starvation. 
And  since  commerce  was  the  mainspring  of  Boston's  economic 
life,  the  injunction  which  became  effective  on  the  first  of  June, 
1774,  upset  practically  all  the  business  of  the  community,  and 
threw  a  large  number  of  men  out  of  employment.  But  the  other 
colonies,  indignant  at  this  method  of  discipline,  hastened  to  the 
rescue.  Charleston,  South  Carolina,  sent  cargoes  of  rice;  Vir- 
ginia contributed  almost  nine  thousand  bushels  of  wheat  and 
corn,  while  Pennsylvania  gave  more  than  a  thousand  barrels  of 
flour.  As  New  Hampshire  produced  barely  enough  food  for  her 
own  sustenance  the  citizens  of  Portsmouth  could  not  follow  the 
example  of  the  southern  colonists,  but  they  called  a  town  meeting 
to  determine  in  what  manner  they  should  help  to  alleviate  the 
suffering  in  Boston.  At  first  the  inclination  was  to  leave  the 
matter  to  voluntary  subscriptions,  but  at  an  adjournment  of  the 
meeting  greater  generosity  prevailed  and  two  hundred  pounds 
from  the  town  funds  were  voted  "  for  the  relief  of  the  industrious 
poor"  in  Boston.1  This  amount,  Wentworth  remarked,  was  al- 
most four  times  as  great  as  Portsmouth's  province  tax.  This  be- 
ing the  case,  he  could  hardly  have  been  in  doubt  as  to  the  genuine 
sympathy  which  his  fellow-townsmen  felt  for  their  neighbors  in 
the  Massachusetts  capital. 

Up  to  this  point  in  his  administration  John  Wentworth  had  in- 
variably practised  his  doctrine  of  being  "steady,  open,  and  reso- 
lute, without  any  mystery  or  intrigue,"  and  the  results  of  this 
policy  had  demonstrated  its  wisdom.  In  the  autumn  of  1774, 
however,  an  occasion  arose  which  tempted  the  Governor  to 
abandon  his  wise  rule.  General  Gage,  who  had  succeeded  Thomas 
Hutchinson  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  found  great  difficulty 
in  providing  barracks  for  the  British  troops  under  his  command. 
There  were,  of  course,  plenty  of  unemployed  carpenters  in  Boston, 

1 .  Parliamentary  Register,  i,  68-69. 


138  DARKENING  SKIES 

but  they  either  refused  to  work  upon  the  buildings  Gage  had  hired, 
or  were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  a  patriotic  majority.  As 
winter  approached  the  situation  became  serious,  and  Gage  asked 
Wentworth  to  see  if  New  Hampshire  carpenters  could  not  be 
hired  and  sent  to  his  aid.  Clearly  it  was  the  Governor's  duty  to 
exert  himself  in  his  colleague's  behalf,  but  when  he  attempted  to 
do  so  surreptitiously  Wentworth  made  his  first  serious  mistake. 
Instead  of  explaining  the  situation  to  the  leaders  of  the  opposition 
and  then  advertising  for  builders,  he  worked  secretly,  employing 
Nicholas  Austin  of  Middleton  as  his  agent.  Even  Austin  was  not 
enlightened  as  to  the  nature  of  the  work  for  which  he  was  engag- 
ing the  carpenters,1  but  the  wages  promised  were  generous  and  he 
had  little  difficulty  in  collecting  in  and  about  Wolfeborough  a 
crew  of  "artificers,"  who  were  sent  to  Portsmouth  for  instruc- 
tions. Wentworth  offered  them  a  dollar  a  day,  provisions,  and  the 
loan  of  clothing  "if  necessary  to  their  safety  from  popular  resent- 
ments"; and  toward  the  end  of  October  General  Gage  was  pleased 
to  find  fifteen  New  Hampshire  carpenters  among  the  men  who 
were  fitting  up  the  improvised  barracks  at  Boston. 

Not  many  days  passed  before  the  Portsmouth  committee  of 
ways  and  means  got  wind  of  the  affair.  Then  came  the  first  out- 
burst of  public  opinion  against  the  Governor.  Although  his  uncle, 
Hunking  Wentworth,  was  its  chairman,  the  committee  passed 
and  published  a  series  of  resolutions  which  were  noticeably 
stronger  in  tone  than  any  previously  issued  in  New  Hampshire. 
The  Governor's  conduct  was  described  as  "cruel  and  unmanly"; 
he  himself  was  pronounced  "an  enemy  to  the  community";  and 
the  carpenters  were  declared  to  be  unworthy  of  society,  unless 
they  should  immediately  "leave  such  scandalous  employment 
and  return  to  their  respective  habitations."  *   Poor  Austin,  the 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Marquis  oj  Rockingham,  November  9,  1774. 
2.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  October  28,  1774. 


DARKENING  SKIES  139 

innocent  agent,  fared  even  worse.  Soon  after  the  Portsmouth 
resolves  were  published,  he  was  summoned  before  the  Rochester 
committee  of  correspondence,  in  whose  presence  he  was  obliged 
to  kneel,  beg  forgiveness,  and  promise  in  the  future  to  abstain 
from  any  "act  or  deed  contrary  to  the  constitution  of  the  coun- 
try." l  The  carpenters,  alarmed  by  the  clamor  against  them, 
hastened  to  relinquish  their  jobs,  and  so  brought  to  an  end  an 
episode  that  had  threatened  to  set  New  Hampshire  in  flames. 

Wentworth  was  more  wounded  by  the  resolves  of  the  local 
committee  than  he  was  willing  to  admit,  even  to  himself.  In 
letters,  written  at  that  time  and  later,  he  attributed  his  diffi- 
culties not  to  his  own  change  of  policy  but  to  the  machinations  of 
"Mr.  Livius's  few  adherents,"  of  whom  Woodbury  Langdon  was 
the  most  formidable.  According  to  the  Governor,  the  resolves 
were  the  work  of  Woodbury  Langdon  alone,  who,  he  declared, 
was  and  ever  had  been  "Mr.  L.'s  steady  friend  and  assistant  in 
the  whole  of  his  plans."  2  The  resolutions  were  issued  over  Hunk- 
ing  Wentworth's  name,  to  be  sure,  but  John  explained  that  this 
was  due  to  the  fact  that  his  uncle,  the  chairman  of  the  committee, 
was  a  "superannuated,  weak,  already  forgiven  old  squire"  over 
whose  eyes  the  Langdons  and  their  party  easily  pulled  the  wool. 
In  spite  of  these  explanatory  remarks  the  Governor's  correspond- 
ents probably  reflected  that  if  he  had  endeavored  to  engage  the 
carpenters  in  a  frank  and  open  manner,  instead  of  in  secret,  his 
personal  and  political  foes  would  have  had  no  ground  for  calling 
him  an  enemy  to  the  community.  As  things  were,  however,  they 
made  the  most  of  his  first  false  step  and  destroyed  at  one  blow 
the  abundant  faith  which  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  had  had 
in  their  popular  governor.  From  that  moment  the  progress  of  the 
opposition  was  beyond  his  control. 

1.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  November  n,  1774. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  November  9,  1774. 


CHAPTE 


THE  STORM 

IN  October,  1774,  the  King  in  Council  decided  that  it  would  be 
prudent  to  stop  the  private  exportation  of  arms  and  ammu- 
nition to  America,  and  an  order  to  that  end  was  issued  forthwith. 
At  the  same  time  Lord  Dartmouth  sent  a  circular  letter  to  the 
governors  of  the  colonies  commanding  them  to  prevent  the  im- 
portation of  munitions  which  might  have  escaped  the  authorities 
in  England.  In  this  way  the  British  government  hoped  to  reduce 
to  a  minimum  the  possibility  of  armed  resistance  on  the  part  of 
the  colonists.  The  precaution  was  wise,  but  the  effect  produced 
in  America  was  quite  the  reverse  of  that  which  was  intended. 
When  news  of  the  embargo  reached  Rhode  Island,  the  Assembly 
voted  to  transfer  almost  all  the  cannon  and  ammunition  from  the 
provincial  fort  to  Providence,  in  order  to  prevent  their  being 
seized  by  a  British  frigate  which  was  lying  off  Newport.  At  the 
same  time  the  fire-arms  at  Newport,  belonging  to  the  colony, 
were  distributed  proportionately  among  the  counties.  All  this 
was  done  in  a  perfectly  legal  manner,  for  Rhode  Island,  like  Con- 
necticut, was  almost  autonomous,  and  its  governor  approved  the 
action  of  the  Assembly.  It  was  useless  for  the  other  provincial 
governors  to  attempt  to  keep  the  contents  of  Dartmouth's  letter 
a  secret,  when  the  governor  of  Rhode  Island  played  into  the 
hands  of  the  colonists.  From  Providence  a  copy  was  sent  to 
Boston,  and  with  it  traveled  the  story  of  Rhode  Island's  prep- 
aration for  self-defense.  From  Boston  the  news  was  carried  to 
Portsmouth  by  Paul  Revere,  who  had  already  begun  to  play 


THE  STORM  141 

the  part  ot  messenger  in  which  he  was  destined  to  win  great 
renown.1 

At  Portsmouth  the  popular  party  could  not  hope  to  take  pos- 
session of  the  munitions  at  the  Castle  in  a  legal  manner,  for  even 
if  the  Assembly  sanctioned  such  action  the  Governor  would  cer- 
tainly withhold  his  consent.  On  the  other  hand,  they  did  not 
wish  to  be  outdone  by  the  Rhode  Islanders;  it  is  quite  probable, 
too,  that  the  leaders  of  the  opposition  at  Boston  egged  them  on  to 
immediate  action.  At  any  rate,  as  soon  as  Revere  delivered  his 
dispatches  to  Samuel  Cutts,  the  latter  hastily  summoned  the 
local  committee  of  ways  and  means  and  laid  the  matter  before 
them  at  a  meeting  which  took  place  on  the  afternoon  of  Decem- 
ber 13,  1774.  Wentworth  mistrusted  that  trouble  would  follow 
before  long,  and,  guessing  that  it  would  take  the  form  of  an  at- 
tempt to  seize  the  Castle,  he  sent  a  short  letter  to  Captain  Coch- 
ran, who  commanded  the  fort,  advising  him  to  be  on  his  guard 
against  a  surprise  attack. 

The  Governor's  warning  came  none  too  soon.  About  noon  on 
the  14th  a  drum  began  to  beat  through  the  streets  of  Ports- 
mouth and  a  crowd  soon  gathered  in  the  center  of  the  town. 
Everyone  seemed  to  know  that  an  attack  was  to  be  made  upon 
the  fort  and  all  were  ready  for  action.  Rumors  to  the  effect  that 
troops  were  embarking  at  Boston  to  seize  and  carry  away  New 
Hampshire's  munitions  lent  zest  to  the  enterprise.  As  soon  as 
Wentworth  learned  what  was  going  on,  he  sent  the  chief  justice 
of  the  province  to  warn  the  populace  against  engaging  in  such  an 
attempt.  The  chief  justice  did  as  he  was  bid.  He  read  the  Riot 
Act  to  the  crowd  which  had  assembled  near  the  town-house;  he 
told  them  that  the  offense  they  intended  to  commit  was  rebellion 
pure  and  simple;  he  entreated  them  to  change  their  minds  and 
disperse.  But  all  in  vain.  The  insurgents  marched  away  towards 

1.  Parliamentary  Register,  i,  ioo-ioi. 


142  THE  STORM 

the  Castle  and  were  joined  en  route  by  parties  from  Newcastle 
and  Rye.  All  told  they  numbered  about  four  hundred.  Captain 
Cochran's  garrison  consisted  of  not  more  than  five  effective  men, 
and  the  walls  of  the  fort  were  very  weak.  Nevertheless,  the 
Castle  was  equipped  with  cannon,  small  arms,  and  ammunition, 
and  one  cannot  but  think  that  if  John  Wentworth  had  been  on 
the  spot  its  defense  would  have  been  more  spirited  and  more 
effectual. 

News  of  the  approaching  disturbance  reached  Cochran  about 
one  o'clock  and,  according  to  his  own  account,  he  prepared  to 
make  the  best  defense  he  could.  He  "pointed  some  guns"  at  the 
places  where  he  guessed  the  attack  would  be  made  and  then 
awaited  developments.  "About  three  o'clock  the  fort  was  beset 
on  all  sides  by  upwards  of  four  hundred  men."  Cochran  warned 
them  that  if  they  advanced  it  would  be  at  their  peril;  his  words 
were  unheeded.  Then  the  garrison  fired  three  four-pounders  and 
afterwards  some  small  arms;  but,  oddly  enough,  none  of  the 
assailants  seems  to  have  been  killed  or  injured,  and  before  the 
defenders  could  reload  they  were  "stormed  on  all  quarters"  and 
taken  prisoners.  They  remained  in  captivity  about  an  hour  and 
a  half,  during  which  time  the  attacking  party  hauled  down  the 
King's  colors,  broke  open  the  powder-house  and  carried  off  the 
powder  in  boats.  Having  accomplished  their  purpose,  they  re- 
leased Captain  Cochran  and  his  garrison  without  further  injury.1 

In  the  meantime  Wentworth  had  done  his  best  to  persuade  the 
more  conservative  element  in  the  town  to  rally  to  the  support  of 
his  Majesty's  government.  But  this  proved  to  be  a  difficult  un- 
dertaking. All  he  could  muster  were  four  members  of  the  Council, 
two  justices,  one  sheriff,  his  private  secretary,  Thomas  Mac- 
donogh,  and  his  young  brother-in-law,  Benning  Wentworth,  who 
was  not  yet  eighteen  years  old.   The  revenue  officers  were  espe- 

i .  Parliamentary  Register,  i,  101 . 


THE  STORM  143 

daily  disappointing,  for  the  Governor  had  a  right  to  expect  that 
they  would  uphold  the  government  in  which  they  held  offices  of 
trust.  But  he  was  mistaken;  to  use  his  own  words,  "all  chose  to 
shrink  in  safety  from  the  storm,  and  suffered  me  to  remain  ex- 
posed to  the  folly  and  madness  of  an  enraged  multitude,  daily 
and  hourly  increasing  in  numbers  and  delusion."  ' 

The  best  Wentworth  could  do  was  to  write  immediately  to 
Admiral  Graves  and  Governor  Gage,  urging  them  to  send  "some 
strong  ships  of  war"  to  Portsmouth,  in  order  to  protect  the 
treasuries  of  the  province  and  of  the  custom-house.  It  is  worth 
remarking,  however,  that  he  did  not  ask  for  soldiers.  On  the  fol- 
lowing day,  December  15th,  the  insurrection  continued.  On  this 
occasion  the  disturbance  was  caused  by  a  party  of  countrymen 
led  by  John  Sullivan,  a  prosperous  lawyer  of  Durham,  who  had 
recently  represented  New  Hampshire  in  the  Continental  Con- 
gress. Two  years  before  this  time  Wentworth  had  appointed 
Sullivan  a  major  in  the  provincial  militia,  but  this  fact  did  not 
deter  him  from  turning  against  the  Governor  at  this  critical 
moment;  and  although  one  may  be  able  to  justify  his  participa- 
tion in  the  insurrection  on  the  ground  of  patriotic  motives,  his 
methods  do  not  seem  to  have  been  quite  straightforward.  Upon 
arriving  at  Portsmouth,  he  professed  to  have  done  all  he  could  to 
prevail  upon  his  followers  to  return  home,  and  declared  that  since 
there  was  no  certainty  that  British  soldiers  would  be  sent  from 
Boston  to  take  possession  of  the  Castle  "he  would  still  use  his 
utmost  endeavors  to  disperse  them." 

When  the  affair  had  reached  this  point,  a  committee  called 
upon  Governor  Wentworth  and  asked  him  to  promise  to  pardon, 
or  at  least  to  suspend  prosecution  against  those  engaged  in  the 
attack  upon  the  Castle.  The  Governor  would  make  no  such 
promise,  but  he  gave  the  committee  to  understand  that  if  the  in- 

1.  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxiii,  277. 


144  THE  STORM 

surgents  should  return  the  powder  and  disperse,  the  government 
would  "consider  it  an  alleviation  of  the  offense."  The  delegates 
seemed  disposed  to  adopt  this  course,  and  upon  leaving  Went- 
worth  they  went  directly  to  their  friends,  who  voted  to  return 
to  their  homes.  It  was  generally  understood  that  the  gunpowder 
would  be  restored  before  morning,  and,  thus  reassured,  the  Gov- 
ernor assumed  that  the  matter  was  settled.  He  was  deceived, 
however,  for  during  the  night  a  party  headed  by  Sullivan,  went 
to  the  fort  and  carried  away  with  them  sixteen  cannon,  sixty 
muskets,  and  other  military  stores.1  On  Friday,  the  16th,  Na- 
thaniel Folsom  of  Exeter  appeared  in  Portsmouth  with  a  number 
of  armed  men,  who  guarded  the  captured  cannon  throughout 
the  day.  The  latter  were  soon  loaded  on  flat-bottomed  boats,  and 
in  the  evening  the  incoming  tide  helped  to  carry  them  to  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  Piscataqua  where  they  were  distributed 
among  the  various  towns.  The  insurgents  then  melted  away, 
"without  having  done  any  personal  injury  to  anybody  in  the 
town." 

It  was  rumored  that  the  country  people  intended  to  visit 
Portsmouth  again  in  order  to  dismantle  the  fort,  carry  off  or 
destroy  the  remaining  heavy  cannon,  and  perhaps  seize  the  pro- 
vincial treasury,  but  if  they  actually  had  any  such  designs  they 
abandoned  them  when  two  armed  ships,  the  Canceaux  and 
the  Scarborough,  arrived  from  Boston.  Admiral  Graves  had 
responded  promptly  to  Wentworth's  call,  and  one  of  the  ships  ap- 
peared in  the  Piscataqua  as  early  as  the  seventeenth  of  Decem- 
ber. Although  the  Governor  had  not  asked  for  soldiers,  the 
vessels  brought  about  one  hundred  marines,  whose  advent  can- 
not have  been  unwelcome  to  the  distressed  executive,  for  within 
two  weeks  he  asked  the  Admiral  for  fifty  more.  Marines  were,  of 
course,  vastly  preferable  to  soldiers,  since  they  were  quartered  on 

I.  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxiii,  276. 


THE  STORM  145 

the  ships  in  the  harbor  and  thus,  unlike  the  troops  at  Boston, 
were  not  apt  to  embroil  themselves  with  the  people  of  the  town. 
At  the  same  time  they  would  be  available  at  a  moment's  notice  if 
the  inhabitants  or  invading  parties  from  the  country  became 
dangerously  boisterous. 

Now  that  peace  was  restored  in  Portsmouth,  it  behooved 
Wentworth  to  bring  the  insurgents  to  justice.  Inwardly  he  had 
small  expectation  of  success  in  this  attempt  to  maintain  the  dig- 
nity of  his  Majesty's  government,  but  the  attempt  must  be  made, 
nevertheless.  On  the  day  after  Christmas,  therefore,  he  issued  a 
solemn  proclamation  ordering  all  magistrates  to  exert  themselves 
to  detect  and  arrest  the  offenders,  and  warning  the  people  not  to 
screen  them  from  justice.'  That  he  anticipated  few  if  any  good 
results  from  this  general  exhortation  is  indicated  in  one  of  his 
letters  to  Lord  Dartmouth.  "With  regard  to  bringing  any  of 
them  to  punishment,"  he  wrote,  "  the  very  transaction  shows  that 
there  is  not  strength  in  the  government  to  effect  it  in  its  pres- 
ent state.  No  jail  would  hold  them  long,  and  no  jury  would  find 
them  guilty,  for  by  the  false  alarm  that  has  been  raised  through 
the  country  it  is  considered  by  the  weak  and  the  ignorant,  who 
have  the  rule  in  these  times,  an  act  of  self-preservation." 2 
There  was,  however,  a  bare  chance  that  a  sudden  reaction  might 
occur,  and,  if  this  should  prove  to  be  the  case,  Wentworth  wished 
to  take  full  advantage  of  it. 

Weeks  passed,  but  no  information  was  given  against  those  im- 
plicated in  the  two  attacks  on  the  Castle.  The  proclamation  was 
wholly  without  effect.  The  Governor,  however,  knew  the  names 
of  the  leaders  and  was  determined  in  one  way  or  another  to  bring 
them  to  condign  punishment.  Under  the  existing  conditions  the 
arrest  of  John  Langdon,  John  Sullivan,  Nathaniel  Folsom,  or  any 

1.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  423-424. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  oj  Dartmouth,  December  20,  1774. 


146  THE  STORM 

other  person  concerned  in  the  recent  insurrection,  would  have 
been  followed  inevitably  by  an  uprising  of  the  populace  and  by 
the  violent  release  of  the  prisoners.  The  only  feasible  method  of 
preventing  lawlessness  in  Portsmouth  was  to  station  British 
troops  there.  For  Wentworth's  purpose  the  militia  were  worse 
than  useless.  When  he  called  them  out  to  protect  the  Castle  not 
a  man  responded.  The  only  alternative  was  the  employment  of  a 
regiment  or  two  of  Gage's  regulars.  Towards  the  end  of  January, 
therefore,  the  Governor  broke  the  second  rule  in  his  code  for  suc- 
cessful government  and  asked  General  Gage  to  station  two  regi- 
ments at  Portsmouth.1  At  first  it  seemed  probable  that  the  Gen- 
eral would  acquiesce.  He  sent  Captain  Gamble  to  Portsmouth 
to  look  over  the  ground  and  to  view  the  buildings  which  Went- 
worth  thought  could  be  easily  converted  into  barracks.  Upon 
Gamble's  return,  however,  Gage  informed  the  Governor  that  he 
could  not  spare  any  troops  from  Massachusetts,  and  that  with 
the  aid  of  the  ships  already  sent  to  the  Piscataqua,  Wentworth 
must  shift  for  himself. 

Meanwhile  Wentworth  had  done  what  he  could  to  organize 
those  who  still  adhered  to  his  Majesty's  government.  Early  in 
January  stories  were  abroad  concerning  a  plot  to  seize  the  Gov- 
ernor and  other  officers  of  the  Crown,  by  way  of  reprisal,  if  any  of 
the  Boston  or  Portsmouth  ringleaders  should  be  arrested.  Timid- 
ity was  no  part  of  Wentworth's  nature,  but  his  sense  of  dignity 
obliged  him  to  guard  against  the  possibility  of  being  captured  by 
the  popular  party.  Without  much  difficulty  he  formed  an  asso- 
ciation of  about  fifty  men,  upon  whom  he  could  rely  in  case  of  an 
attack  upon  his  person  or  property.  He  could  not,  however,  ex- 
pect this  bodyguard  to  assist  him  in  any  attempt  to  arrest  the 
leading  perpetrators  of  the  affair  at  the  Castle;  they  must  be 
dealt  with  in  some  other  manner.    Some  of  the  offenders  were 

I.  John  Wentworth  to  General  Gage,  January  21,  1775. 


THE  STORM  147 

magistrates  and  militia  officers  appointed  by  the  Governor,  and 
to  Wentworth  it  seemed  indecent  that  these  "popular,  perjured 
men"  should  be  allowed  to  continue  to  hold  their  commissions 
after  being  implicated  in  such  a  lawless  enterprise.  As  fast  as  he 
could  find  loyal  citizens  to  take  their  places,  therefore,  he  dis- 
missed them  from  the  service.  Among  them  were  Sullivan  and 
Folsom.1  This  courageous  purge  naturally  increased  the  Gov- 
ernor's unpopularity  and  "produced  menaces  of  disorder,  etc., 
which,"  wrote  Wentworth,  "I  mind  no  further  than  to  arm  my 
house  well  and  associate  about  sixty  good  men,  with  whom  I  am 
resolved  to  give  all  that  presume  to  venture  a  very  warm  and 
serious  entertainment."  2 

On  January  25,  a  second  revolutionary  convention  met  at 
Exeter  and  elected  Sullivan  and  Langdon  to  represent  New 
Hampshire  in  the  Continental  Congress  at  Philadelphia.  If 
Wentworth  had  been  in  need  of  any  additional  evidence  of  the 
attitude  of  the  people  towards  the  attack  on  the  Castle,  this  ac- 
tion on  the  part  of  their  representatives  at  Exeter  must  have 
been  convincing.  Disheartened  by  the  trend  of  events,  but  filled 
with  charity  for  his  fellowmen,  he  wrote  to  Thomas  Westbrook 
Waldron,  "  I  wish  the  parties  would  leave  ground  for  an  amnesty; 
but  they  strive  to  augment  the  reverse.  Peace,  my  dear  friend, 
has  by  unwise  men  been  driven  out.  They  shut  the  door  against 
its  return.  God  forgive  them.  They  know  not  what  they  do. 
Many  of  them,  I  verily  believe,  are  innocently  wicked.  It  seems 
contradictory,  but  madness  can  no  otherwise  be  expressed.  Our 
hemisphere  threatens  an  hurricane.  I've  in  vain  strove  almost  to 
death  to  prevent  it.  If  I  can  bring  out  of  it,  at  last,  safety  to  my 
country  and  honor  to  our  sovereign,  my  labor  will  be  joyful."  3 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  oj  Dartmouth,  March  10,  1775. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  Henry  Bellew,  April  8,  1775. 

3.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  74. 


148  THE  STORM 

The  Assembly  was  due  to  meet  on  the  twenty-eighth  of  Febru- 
ary, but  when  the  Governor  learned  that  a  number  of  the  mem- 
bers elected  had  been  conspicuous  principals  in  the  attack  on  the 
fort  he  postponed  their  coming  together  until  the  fourth  of  May, 
in  the  hope  of  seeing  at  least  the  ringleaders  in  jail  before  that 
time.1  Probably,  too,  he  thought  that  in  the  intervening  months 
Parliament  might  adopt  conciliatory  measures  which  would  re- 
store harmony  to  the  British  empire.  Assuredly  nothing  was  to 
be  lost  by  waiting.  But,  as  it  turned  out,  matters  went  from  bad 
to  worse.  In  increasing  numbers  the  conservative  people  in  the 
rural  districts  were  tormented  by  their  radical  neighbors,  and 
many  were  obliged  to  flee  to  Boston  for  shelter,  —  "Portsmouth 
not  being  considered  a  place  of  safety."  Among  the  first  victims 
was  Wentworth's  friend,  Benjamin  Thompson,  later  Count  Rum- 
ford,  who  hurriedly  left  his  home  in  Concord  and  returned  to  his 
birthplace  in  Massachusetts.  Doubtless  Thompson  was  conserv- 
ative in  his  sympathies,  but  his  specific  crime  seems  to  have 
been  nothing  worse  than  inducing  deserters  from  the  British  army 
to  return  to  their  regiments.  His  method  of  persuasion,  which  he 
devised  in  collaboration  with  the  Governor,  was  as  ingenious  as  it 
was  effective:  whenever  a  deserter  appeared  at  his  door,  Thomp- 
son hired  him  as  a  farm  hand  and  thus  virtually  sentenced  him  to 
an  indefinite  term  of  hard  labor.  When,  after  a  week  or  two,  the 
man  was  so  thoroughly  weary  that  he  longed  for  the  life  he  had 
known  in  the  army,  his  master  would  prevail  upon  him  to  return 
to  the  colors  and  could  assure  him  of  full  pardon  if  he  did  so. 
According  to  Wentworth,  many  thus  rejoined  their  regiments, 
and  with  ideas  of  farm  life  that  would  effectually  deter  others 
from  trying,  or  themselves  from  repeating,  the  experiment.2 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl oj  Dartmouth,  March  10,  1775. 
2.  John  Wentworth  to  GeneralGage,  November  2, 1774;  also  John  Wentworth 
to  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham,  November  9,  1774. 


THE  STORM  149 

In  April,  a  slight  rift  in  the  clouds  appeared.  Parliament's  de- 
cision to  attempt  conciliation  with  America  became  known  in  the 
land.  The  remedial  measures  suggested  were  not  likely  to  satisfy 
the  colonists,  to  be  sure,  but  they  were  a  step  in  the  right  direc- 
tion and  Wentworth  was  prepared  to  do  his  utmost  to  induce  the 
approaching  Assembly  to  accept  them  as  a  compromise.  Al- 
though he  was  not  especially  sanguine  of  the  result,  whatever 
hopes  he  entertained  were  soon  dashed  by  General  Gage's  impru- 
dent decision  to  seize  the  stores  of  powder  at  Concord,  Massa- 
chusetts. 

The  fights  at  Lexington  and  Concord  created  much  excitement 
in  New  Hampshire,  and  about  twelve  hundred  men  from  the 
southern  part  of  the  province  immediately  marched  to  Cam- 
bridge, the  headquarters  of  the  American  forces.  But,  if  Went- 
worth's  information  was  correct,  when  it  became  clear  that  Gage 
was  not  likely  to  repeat  his  experiment,  all  except  two  hundred 
returned  to  their  homes.1  While  some  were  busy  with  this  march 
and  counter-march,  others  talked  loudly  of  seizing  the  Governor, 
and  of  destroying  the  men-of-war  in  the  harbor.  No  serious  out- 
break occurred,  however.  More  productive  were  the  efforts  of 
the  Provincial  Congress  at  Exeter.  The  deputies,  convened  there 
towards  the  end  of  May,  voted  to  raise  two  thousand  men  who 
should  enlist  for  the  rest  of  the  year.  These  formed  three  New 
Hampshire  regiments,  two  of  which  distinguished  themselves  at 
Bunker  Hill,  a  few  weeks  later. 

In  the  midst  of  this  excitement  and  confusion  the  Assembly 
met  at  Portsmouth,  and  was  asked  by  the  Governor  to  give  its 
attention  to  the  conciliatory  proposals  recently  made  by  Parlia- 
ment.2 The  members,  however,  were  more  interested  in  contesting 
the  right  of  three  of  their  number  to  represent  the  towns  for  which 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  April  26, 1775;  May  17, 1775. 

2.  Ibid-yMzy  12, 1775. 


150  THE  STORM 

they  sat,  and  almost  their  first  act  was  to  appoint  a  committee 
to  investigate  the  situation.  Then  they  pleaded  the  necessity 
of  consulting  their  constituents  before  considering  the  business 
which  the  Governor  had  urged  upon  them.  In  reply  Wentworth 
suggested  that  under  the  existing  conditions  they  might  serve 
the  people  better  by  doing  their  thinking  for  them  than  by  at- 
tempting to  find  guidance  in  the  popular  "  fears  and  jealousies." 
This  was  a  good  point,  but  it  did  not  appeal  to  those  who  heard  it, 
and  upon  a  second  petition  the  Governor  indulgently  adjourned 
the  Assembly  to  the  twelfth  day  of  June.  After  all,  nothing  could 
have  been  gained  by  forcing  the  members  to  continue  to  sit;  and 
it  was  possible  that  during  the  next  six  weeks  political  events 
might  take  a  more  favorable  turn. 

By  precipitating  armed  hostilities  with  the  Americans,  General 
Gage  was  largely  responsible  for  the  unfavorable  circumstances 
under  which  the  governor  of  New  Hampshire  had  been  obliged  to 
meet  his  Assembly  in  early  May.  Now  Admiral  Graves  did  the 
patriot  cause  a  like  service  by  making  the  British  government 
still  more  unpopular,  shortly  before  the  House  came  together  in 
June.  One  day  late  in  May,  H.M.S.  Scarborough,  which  was 
stationed  in  the  Piscataqua,  stopped  two  vessels  that  were  com- 
ing to  Portsmouth  laden  with  provisions.  These  Captain  Barkley 
was  about  to  send  to  Boston  as  prizes  when  Governor  Wentworth 
came  aboard  to  protest.  According  to  Wentworth,  the  cargoes, 
consisting  of  corn,  pork,  flour,  and  other  foodstuffs,  were  greatly 
needed  by  the  poor  of  Portsmouth,  and  he  begged  the  Captain  to 
release  them.  A  delegation  of  citizens  had  waited  upon  the  Gov- 
ernor and  had  assured  him  that  if  the  provisions  were  not  allowed 
to  be  brought  to  town  they  would  not  answer  for  the  conse- 
quences.1  Already  the  news  of  the  seizure  had  spread  through 

i.  Peter  Force's  American  Archives,  Fourth  Series,  ii,  740-741 ;  also  New 
Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  376-377. 


THE  STORM  151 

the  country  and  armed  bodies  of  men  were  moving  towards  Ports- 
mouth. But  Barkley  replied  that  he  was  under  orders  to  capture 
all  provision  vessels  and  to  send  them  to  Boston  for  the  supply  of 
the  British  army  and  navy,  which,  in  this  case,  he  did  without 
further  delay. 

Retribution  was  not  far  distant.  On  the  night  of  May  30,  "a 
large  body  of  men,  about  six  or  seven  hundred,  went  to  a  part  of 
Castle  Island  called  Jerry's  Point  —  about  a  mile  from  the  fort  — 
and  thence  brought  to  town,  early  the  next  morning,  eight  pieces 
of  cannon,  six  twenty-four  and  two  thirty-two  pounders."  '  Just 
what  the  insurgents  had  in  mind  is  not  clear,  but  it  is  probable 
that  they  intended  to  plant  a  battery  within  range  of  the  frigate 
and  thus  to  drive  her  ou  t  of  the  harbor.  Bodies  of  armed  men  con- 
tinued to  pour  into  Portsmouth  all  the  next  day.  They  made 
themselves  very  much  at  home  in  the  capital,  ransacked  several 
private  houses  for  powder  and  arms,  and  kept  the  town  in  a  con- 
tinual state  of  confusion  and  alarm.  Some  thought  of  rummaging 
the  Governor's  house,  but  when  refused  admission  they  went  on 
their  way. 

In  the  meantime  Captain  Barkley  made  matters  worse  by 
removing  seamen  from  fishing  vessels,  bound  in  or  out  of  the 
harbor,  and  by  adding  them  to  his  own  command.  This  appro- 
priation of  a  part  of  the  crew  sometimes  made  it  impossible  for  a 
fishing  schooner  to  go  to  sea,  and  indirectly  threatened  the  food 
supply  of  Portsmouth.  Once  more  most  of  the  citizens  turned  to 
Wentworth  in  their  distress,  while  others,  preferring  a  more  direct 
method  of  redress,  lay  in  ambush  behind  a  fence  on  "Castle 
Island"  and  took  shots  at  one  of  the  Scarborough's  boats 
which  was  patrolling  the  shore.  The  latter  incident,  while  un- 
fortunate in  some  respects,  was  really  a  blessing,  for  its  emphatic 
disavowal  by  the  better  class  of  people  made  it  possible  for  Went- 

I.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  oj  Dartmouth,  June  3,  1775. 


152  THE  STORM 

worth  to  talk  persuasively  to  Barkley  about  the  impressment  of 
the  fishermen.  As  a  result,  the  situation  was  cleared  up  very 
satisfactorily:  the  town  declared  its  abhorrence  of  the  sniping 
episode  and  its  readiness  to  attempt  to  bring  the  offenders  to 
justice,  whereupon  Barkley  granted  Wentworth's  request  and  re- 
leased the  fishermen.  When  this  was  done,  the  insurgents  soon 
dispersed,  and  comparative  quiet  settled  once  more  over  Ports- 
mouth.1 

The  adjourned  Assembly  met  on  the  twelfth  of  June,  but  did 
not  consider  any  business  until  the  following  day.  Then,  instead 
of  arguing  the  merits  and  demerits  of  Parliament's  conciliatory 
proposals,  as  Wentworth  wished,  the  leaders  of  the  House  brought 
up  the  question  of  the  right  of  the  three  members  to  represent  the 
towns  for  which  they  sat.  This  business,  it  will  be  remembered, 
had  been  referred  to  a  committee  before  the  adjournment.  The 
point  at  issue  was  whether  the  Governor  had  the  constitutional 
right  to  empower  new  towns  to  send  representatives  to  Ports- 
mouth without  the  consent  of  the  Assembly.  Wentworth  con- 
sidered that  this  power  was  vested  in  him,  and  consequently  he 
had  sent  writs  to  three  new  towns,  Plymouth,  Lyme,  and  Orford, 
authorizing  each  to  send  a  deputy  to  the  present  Assembly,  — 
which  they  did.  The  committee  now  reported  that  although 
there  had  been  some  instances  of  "suffering  members  so  sent  to 
take  their  seats  without  taking  any  notice  of  the  impropriety 
thereof,"  it  was  none  the  less  an  encroachment  on  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  House.  The  Assembly,  having  heard  the  report, 
voted  that  the  three  members  concerned  were  not  entitled  to 
their  seats.2 

On  a  strict  analogy  to  the  British  constitution  the  legislators 
were  probably  right,  for  during  the  previous  half-century  the 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  June  3,  1775. 
2.  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  vii,  378. 


THE  STORM  153 

sovereign  in  England  had  not  added  members  to  Parliament. 
This  lapse  had  gradually  constituted  a  prohibition,  but  whether 
this  diminution  of  the  royal  prerogative  had  extended  to  the 
colonies  was  an  open  question.  About  1750  Benning  Wentworth 
had  beaten  the  Assembly  into  submission  on  this  point,  and  since 
that  contest  the  King  had  disallowed  a  provincial  act  which 
sought  to  establish  a  different  basis  of  representation.1  Unfor- 
tunately, however,  there  was  no  explicit  clause  in  the  Governor's 
commission  to  which  the  executive  could  point  and  thus  settle 
the  question  which  was  now  resurrected  to  trouble  his  adminis- 
tration. The  real  cause  behind  this  move  on  the  part  of  the 
Assembly  was  not  political  but  personal,  and  if  the  representative 
returned  by  the  town  of  Plymouth  had  not  been  Colonel  Fen  ton 
it  is  doubtful  if  the  legislators  would  have  questioned  his  right  to 
sit  in  their  midst. 

John  Fenton,  originally  of  Ireland,  was  an  officer  in  the  British 
army  in  the  Seven  Years'  War  and  had  the  good  fortune  to  win 
the  hand  of  Elizabeth  Temple,  a  daughter  of  Robert  Temple  of 
Ten  Hills  Farm.  These  Temples  of  Charlestown  and  Boston 
were  a  branch  of  the  aristocratic  English  family  bearing  the  same 
name.  As  of  right,  therefore,  they  assumed  a  high  place  in  colonial 
society,  and  since  William  Pitt  and  George  Grenville  were  closely 
connected  with  the  Temples  in  England  it  was  quite  natural  that 
young  John  Temple  should  be  appointed  surveyor  general  of  his 
Majesty's  customs  in  the  northern  district  of  America,  and 
lieutenant-governor  of  New  Hampshire.  The  latter  office  was  a 
sinecure,  but  he  who  performed  the  thankless  task  of  supervising 
the  revenue  service  in  New  York  and  New  England  was  surely 
entitled  to  whatever  additional  compensations  might  fall  to  his 
lot.  After  the  war  Captain  Fenton  found  himself  placed  on  half 

1.  For  a  detailed  account  of  this  controversy,  see  William  Henry  Fry's  New 
Hampshire  as  a  Royal  Province,  pp.  154-165. 


154  THE  STORM 

pay  and  looked  about  for  some  other  source  of  income.  His 
brother-in-law  provided  him  with  a  position  in  the  custom  house 
at  Albany,  but  Fenton  seems  to  have  spent  most  of  his  time  in 
the  pleasant  society  of  his  wife's  friends  in  Boston.  In  1771  he 
purchased  a  comfortable  farm  in  Charlestown  with  the  apparent 
intention  of  spending  the  remainder  of  his  days  there;  then,  quite 
suddenly,  he  moved  to  New  Hampshire,  where  Wentworth  had 
granted  him  three  thousand  acres  in  the  Pemigewasset  Valley  in 
accordance  with  the  King's  Proclamation  of  October  7,  1763. 
In  the  township  of  Plymouth,  which  was  not  far  from  this  splen- 
did tract,  he  bought  more  land  and  erected  a  commodious  dwell- 
ing, much  as  Wentworth  had  done  at  Wolfeborough.1  So  it  came 
about  that  the  people  of  Plymouth,  in  February,  1775,  elected 
him  to  represent  them  in  the  provincial  Assembly. 

Soon  after  Fenton's  arrival  in  New  Hampshire,  John  Went- 
worth, who  had  conceived  a  strong  liking  for  the  man,  appointed 
him  a  colonel  in  the  militia,  clerk  of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas, 
and  judge  of  probate  for  the  County  of  Grafton.  Furthermore, 
he  found  in  him  a  reliable  friend  to  himself  and  to  the  govern- 
ment. It  will  be  remembered,  perhaps,  that  Colonel  Fenton  was 
one  of  the  gentlemen  who  guarded  the  tea  on  the  eve  of  its  de- 
parture for  Halifax.  Without  doubt  he  was  one  of  the  few  magis- 
trates and  friends  who  rallied  to  the  Governor's  support  at  the 
time  of  the  attack  on  the  fort,  for  in  a  postscript  to  his  letter  to 
General  Gage  immediately  after  that  unpleasant  incident  Went- 
worth wrote,  "If  I  had  had  two  hundred  such  men,  the  Castle  and 
all  therein  would  yet  have  been  safe."  Moreover,  Fenton  did  not 
hesitate  either  to  assert  his  loyalty  or  to  denounce  the  folly  of  the 
people  who  engaged  in  such  uprisings.  In  consequence,  he  be- 
came a  target  for  the  populace.    One  cannot  but  admire  his 

1.  Ezra  S.  Stearns's  History  of  Plymouth,  New  Hampshire,  i,  69;  also  Notes 
oj  Mr.  Daniel  Parker  Coke,  M.  P.  (edited  by  H.  E.  Egerton),  p.  194. 


THE  STORM  155 

courage  and  his  devotion  to  Wentworth,  but  his  political  sense 
was  a  quality  not  so  highly  developed.  Probably  he  had  the  best 
of  motives  when  he  addressed  an  open  letter  to  the  people  of  the 
County  of  Grafton,  advising  them  to  stay  on  their  farms  and  dis- 
suading them  from  joining  the  insurgents  at  Cambridge;  but  since 
it  appeared  just  a  week  after  the  clash  at  Lexington  and  Concord, 
the  Provincial  Congress  considered  it  propaganda  of  a  highly 
dangerous  nature.1  When  called  to  account  by  the  powers  at 
Exeter,  Colonel  Fen  ton  wrote  an  unsatisfactory  explanation,  de- 
clined to  appear  before  the  Congress,  and  discreetly  withdrew  on 
board  the  Scarborough.  It  was  not  unnatural,  therefore,  for 
the  opposition  members  of  the  Assembly  to  seize  upon  any  pre- 
text for  unseating  him  when  they  met  in  June,  and  for  the  popu- 
lace to  resolve  that  he  should  be  captured  and  brought  before  the 
authorities  at  Exeter. 

The  measure  disqualifying  Fenton  to  represent  the  town  of 
Plymouth  was  passed  on  the  morning  of  June  13.  That  afternoon 
the  unpopular  gentleman,  who  had  attended  the  morning  session 

1 .  To  the  People  of  the  County  of  Grafton,  from  a  real  friend  who  sincerely 
wishes  their  well-being: 

For  God's  sake  pay  the  closest  attention  to  the  sowing  and  planting  your 
lands,  and  do  as  much  of  it  as  possible,  not  only  for  your  own  and  families' 
subsistence,  but  to  supply  the  wants  of  your  fellowmen  down  country;  for 
you  may  be  assured  that  every  kind  of  distress,  in  the  provision  way,  is  coming 
upon  them. 

Let  nothing  induce  you  to  quit  your  farming  business  —  mind  no  reports  — 
there  are  enough  without  you  —  therefore  your  diligence  in  farming  will  much 
more  serve  your  country  than  coming  to  assist  us.  Much  depends  on  the  back 
settlements'  raising  plenty  of  grain. 

I  am  informed  that  if  the  people  of  the  back  settlements  take  up  arms  a 
number  of  Indians  and  Canadians  will  fall  upon  them,  but  that  if  they  remain 
quiet,  they  will  not.    This  I  inform  you  of  from  the  love  I  bear  you,  and  give 

it  you  as  a  sincere  friend  should  do. 

John  Fenton 
Portsm0, 26th  April  1775. 


156  THE  STORM 

of  the  Assembly,  called  on  Governor  Wentworth  at  his  home  on 
Pleasant  Street.  Mr.  Fen  ton  was  on  his  way  to  the  man-of-war 
in  the  harbor  which,  for  the  time  being,  he  had  adopted  as  his 
place  of  residence;  and  although  there  had  been  frequent  menaces 
on  the  part  of  the  populace  he  had  no  special  reason  to  anticipate 
violence  on  this  afternoon.  Soon  after  he  arrived,  however,  "  the 
house  was  surrounded  by  large  multitudes  of  men  under  arms," 
who  shouted  to  Fenton  to  surrender.  The  situation  looked  seri- 
ous. Wentworth  sent  out  a  call  for  his  bodyguard,  but  there  was 
no  response.  Meanwhile  the  numbers  and  the  threats  of  the  mob 
increased.  A  cannon  appeared  in  the  street,  and,  after  it  had 
been  pointed  at  the  door  of  the  house,  immediate  destruction  was 
promised  if  Fenton  failed  to  come  forth.  At  last  Fenton  came.1 
In  the  evening,  while  the  insurgents  escorted  their  prisoner  on 
his  way  to  Exeter,  Governor  Wentworth  and  his  household  fled 
from  their  comfortable  home  and  took  refuge  within  the  walls  of 
the  fort,  which,  though  dilapidated,  lay  under  the  protecting 
guns  of  H.M.S.  Scarborough. 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  June  14,  1775;  New  England 
Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxiii,  277-278. 


CHAPTER   XIII. 

IN  EXILE 

THIS  at  present  is  our  case,  confined  on  the  ocean's  edge  and 
experiencing  the  inconveniences  resulting  from  the  mis- 
guided zeal  of  those  upon  whose  gratitude  and  affection  I  rejoice 
to  have  the  justest  demand.  I  will  not  complain,  because  it  would 
be  a  poignant  censure  on  a  people  I  love  and  forgive.  For  truly  I 
can  say  with  the  poet  in  his  Lear,  '  I  am  a  man  more  sinned 
against  than  sinning.' "  '  So  reflected  John  Wentworth,  as  he  sat 
in  his  miserable  quarters  at  Fort  William  and  Mary  one  July  day 
in  1775.  The  "small  incommodious  house"  that  sheltered  him 
and  his  family  was  "neither  wind  nor  water  tight."  Indeed,  it 
was  scarcely  habitable,  but  its  situation  afforded  comparative 
safety,  and  the  Governor  protected  himself  from  a  surprise  attack 
by  dividing  his  scanty  bodyguard  into  three  watches  of  four 
hours  each.  The  garrison  of  the  fort  consisted  of  only  six  men; 
Wentworth's  three  servants  brought  the  number  up  to  nine;  and 
his  youthful  brother-in-law,  Benning,  and  Captain  Cochran  com- 
pleted the  loyal  group,  who  in  an  emergency  could  do  little  ex- 
cept give  an  alarm  and  thus  perhaps  afford  their  chief  sufficient 
time  to  escape  to  the  frigate  anchored  nearby.2 

Wentworth  besought  Admiral  Graves  to  send  another  ship  to 
the  Piscataqua;  but  when  the  Falcon  and  her  convoy  arrived 
he  wished  they  had  stayed  away,  for  they  came  with  orders  to 
dismantle  the  Castle  of  all  ordnance  and  stores,  and  so  merely 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Tristram  Dalton,  July  31,  1775. 

1.  New  England  Historical  and  Genealogical  Register,  xxiii,  278. 


158  IN  EXILE 

increased  the  difficulty  of  his  situation.  In  spite  of  all  this  ad- 
versity, the  Governor  seems  to  have  retained  his  sense  of  humor, 
for  he  was  able  to  write  in  a  merry  vein  about  his  infant  son, 
scarce  six  months  old,  who,  in  this  strange  environment  bade 
fair  "to  make  a  good  fisherman  and  perhaps  a  good  gunner." 
Nevertheless,  Wentworth  was  really  weighed  down  with  anxi- 
eties both  personal  and  official.  It  was  hardly  reassuring,  for  in- 
stance, to  learn  that  the  house  at  Wolfe  borough,  although  still 
standing,  had  been  ransacked  by  a  party  of  marauders  who  could 
have  burned  it  to  the  ground  had  they  not  been  dissuaded  by  two 
elderly  men  among  them.1  Neither  was  it  encouraging  to  hear 
that  the  Provincial  Congress  had  taken  possession  of  almost  all 
the  public  records  of  New  Hampshire  and  had  carried  them  off  to 
Exeter.  The  Assembly,  which  the  Governor  had  adjourned  im- 
mediately after  the  unseating  of  Colonel  Fenton,  met  on  the 
eleventh  of  July.  Wentworth  sent  a  message  urging  the  members 
to  reconsider  the  question  of  excluding  the  representatives  from 
Plymouth,  Orford,  and  Lyme;  but  when  it  became  evident  that 
a  disrespectful  reply  was  to  be  the  only  result  of  his  efforts,  he  ad- 
journed the  Assembly  once  more,  —  this  time  until  the  twenty- 
eighth  day  of  September. 

Matters  dragged  along  in  this  desultory  fashion  until  the 
middle  of  August,  when  a  misunderstanding  between  Captain 
Barkley  and  the  people  of  Portsmouth  produced  a  new  crisis.  It 
will  be  remembered  that  after  some  unpleasantness  late  in  May 
the  captain  of  the  Scarborough  and  the  townspeople  had  made 
an  informal  agreement  not  to  starve  each  other  out,  the  ship  be- 
ing dependent  upon  access  to  the  shore  for  its  supply  of  beef,  and 
Portsmouth  being  correspondingly  dependent  upon  the  immunity 
of  its  fishing  vessels.  It  was  a  curious  modus  vivendi  between 
hostile  parties,  but  in  July,  1775,  who  could  say  whether  America 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Timothy  Ruggles,  July  3,  1775. 


IN  EXILE  159 

and  Britain  were  at  war?  Lexington,  Concord,  and  Bunker  Hill 
gave  an  affirmative  answer,  yet  there  had  been  no  formal  declara- 
tion, and  the  duration  of  hostilities  was  wholly  uncertain.  So 
Captain  Barkley  and  the  people  of  Portsmouth  made  this  con- 
venient arrangement,  which  worked  well  enough  until  a  fishing 
smack  sailed  up  the  harbor  with  a  cargo  of  dried  fish  which  had 
been  taken  aboard  at  the  neighboring  town  of  Rye.  Barkley 
chose  to  believe  that  the  vessel  had  come  from  the  Banks,  and 
since  New  Englanders  had  been  excluded  from  those  fisheries  by 
a  recent  act  of  Parliament  he  seized  the  schooner  and  moored  her 
under  the  guns  of  the  man-of-war.  Naturally  the  townspeople 
felt  great  resentment  and  wished  redress.  Wentworth  did  his 
best  to  reconcile  the  parties,  and  succeeded  fairly  well,  but  Bark- 
ley seemed  determined  to  cause  a  rupture.  One  evening  early  in 
August  a  man  from  the  Scarborough  escaped  from  the  ship's 
boat,  which  had  been  sent  up  to  the  town,  and  disappeared.  The 
Captain  was  convinced  that  the  people  of  Portsmouth  were  har- 
boring the  deserter.  On  the  following  morning,  therefore,  he 
took  one  Mead,  an  American  fisherman,  "out  of  a  canoe  passing 
by  the  ship,"  and  sent  word  to  the  town  that  he  would  not  re- 
lease him  until  the  deserter  was  returned.  This  was  more  than 
the  Portsmouthians  could  endure.  They  declared  that  the  charge 
that  they  had  encouraged  the  desertion  was  utterly  false  and  that 
Barkley  had  broken  the  agreement.  Consequently,  if  he  should 
send  the  ship's  boat  to  town  again  they  would  not  hesitate  to 
seize  it. 

Barkley  released  his  captive,  but  the  unrest  in  Portsmouth  did 
not  at  once  subside.  On  August  10th,  in  Wentworth's  presence,  the 
Captain  was  again  cautioned  against  risking  an  encounter  with 
the  populace.  That  very  afternoon,  however,  he  sent  a  boat  to 
land,  and  excitement  in  abundance  followed.  The  coxswain  was 
captured  by  a  crowd  of  Americans  and  the  rest  of  the  crew  were 


160  IN  EXILE 

fired  upon  from  the  shore.  They  returned  the  fire  as  well  as  they 
could  and  then  withdrew  to  the  Scarborough,  minus  their  cox- 
swain. According  to  Wentworth,  this  episode  was  the  work  of 
"the  lower  class,"  and  he  was  probably  right  for  at  a  town  meet- 
ing, which  was  called  immediately  afterwards,  a  majority  of  the 
citizens  disavowed  the  deed  and  that  evening  sent  a  copy  of  the 
vote,  together  with  the  coxswain,  to  Barkley.  Offhand  one  would 
say  that  the  score  was  now  even,  but  the  Captain  did  not  take 
that  view.  He  demanded  that  the  Governor  make  an  investiga- 
tion, which  Wentworth  did,  —  not  in  person,  to  be  sure,  but 
through  his  Council.  Their  report  that  the  town  was  sincere  in 
its  disavowal  did  not  satisfy  Barkley,  however.  He  insisted  that 
the  Governor  must  bring  the  perpetrators  to  justice;  if  not,  he 
would  move  his  man-of-war  up  the  Piscataqua  and  wreak  ven- 
geance on  the  whole  town.1 

Wentworth's  patience  was  almost  exhausted,  but  he  kept  his 
temper  and  played  his  cards  carefully.  Obviously  it  was  im- 
possible for  him  to  discover  and  arrest  the  lawless  individuals; 
on  the  other  hand,  if  the  Scarborough  moved  up-stream  he  and 
his  slender  bodyguard  would  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  insurgents. 
To  argue  with  Barkley  was  not  easy,  but  Wentworth  enlarged 
upon  the  difficulties  of  navigation  which  were  certain  to  be  en- 
countered by  a  man-of-war  if  it  proceeded  farther  up  the  Piscata- 
qua, and  ultimately  prevailed  upon  him  not  to  carry  his  threat 
into  execution.  Meanwhile  the  Portsmouth  Committee  of  Safety 
decided  that  the  time  had  come  to  sever  relations  with  the  Scar- 
borough, and  on  the  thirteenth  day  of  August  an  edict  went  forth 
forbidding  communication  with  the  frigate  and  with  the  Castle, 
except  by  permission  from  the  revolutionary  authorities. 

Barkley  was  now  confronted  with  starvation,  and  told  Went- 
worth that  his  ship  would  have  to  go  to  Boston  for  supplies. 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  August  1 8,  1775. 


IN  EXILE  161 

Wentworth  tried  to  dissuade  him  by  calling  his  attention  to  the 
fact  that  without  the  protection  of  the  Scarborough  his  present 
abode  was  no  refuge  at  all.  The  Captain  could  not  deny  it,  but 
would  not  yield  to  his  plea.  The  only  course,  then,  was  for  the 
Governor  and  his  household  to  go  aboard  the  man-of-war  and 
depart  with  it.1  To  this  Wentworth  reluctantly  consented,  and 
on  the  twenty-third  of  August,  H.M.S.  Scarborough  bore  them 
out  of  the  Piscataqua,  upon  whose  swirling  tide  the  Governor 
gazed  for  the  last  time.  Within  a  half-hour  from  the  time  of  his 
withdrawal,  a  party  of  Americans  demolished  the  undefended 
Castle  and  wrecked  the  humble  dwelling  contained  within  its 
walls. 

When  John  Wentworth  accepted  Barkley's  invitation  to  join 
him  on  a  cruise  to  Boston,  he  fancied  that  the  frigate,  and  he  with 
it,  would  return  to  Portsmouth  as  soon  as  she  was  stocked  with 
food.  But  when  he  arrived  at  Boston  he  discovered  that  Admiral 
Graves  had  other  uses  for  the  Scarborough.  This  was  awkward, 
for  the  Assembly  stood  summoned  to  meet  on  the  twenty-eighth 
of  September,  and  since  it  was  clear  that  he  would  be  unable 
to  open  the  session  in  person  the  Governor  wished  to  avoid  hu- 
miliation by  proroguing  the  meeting  in  advance.  Legally  he 
could  issue  the  necessary  proclamation  only  when  within  the 
limits  of  the  province.  And  where,  unless  supported  by  a  man-of- 
war,  could  he  rest  his  foot  on  New  Hampshire  soil  without  risk  of 
being  captured,  a  calamity  which  would  complete  the  downfall  of 
the  royal  government?  With  considerable  relief,  no  doubt,  he  re- 
membered a  group  of  islands  lying  a  few  miles  southeast  of  the 
mouth  of  the  Piscataqua,  the  Isles  of  Shoals.  About  half  of  these 
belonged  to  New  Hampshire,  and  thither  he  determined  to  go. 

In  a  small  armed  schooner,  appropriately  named  the  Hope, 
Wentworth  and  his  secretary,  Thomas  Macdonogh,  sailed  quietly 

i.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  August  29,  1775. 


1 62  IN  EXILE 

out  of  Boston  Harbor  and  in  the  course  of  time  found  themselves 
at  the  fishing  hamlet  of  Gosport  in  the  Isles  of  Shoals.  So  far  all 
had  gone  well.  On  the  night  of  the  twenty-fifth  of  September  the 
Governor  sent  a  boat  to  the  mainland  with  the  proclamation. 
The  messenger,  who  was  probably  the  devoted  Macdonogh, 
reached  Portsmouth  in  safety,  delivered  the  document  to  Theo- 
dore Atkinson,  the  senior  member  of  the  Council,  and  that  same 
night  returned  to  his  chief.  For  some  reason  Wentworth  sent 
another  boat  to  the  town  on  the  following  morning  and  waited  all 
that  day  and  most  of  the  morrow  for  its  return;  but  it  came  not 
back.  Taking  it  for  granted  that  "it  was  detained  by  the  people 
with  hostile  intentions"  and  remembering  that  his  own  vessel  was 
but  slightly  armed,  he  ordered  the  anchor  up  and  cruised  back  to 
Boston,  well  pleased  with  the  success  of  his  expedition.1 

In  the  autumn  of  1775,  Boston,  besieged  by  the  American 
army,  was  not  a  very  comfortable  place  of  residence,  and  the  pros- 
pect for  the  winter  was  by  no  means  reassuring.  "It  is  much  to 
be  feared,"  wrote  the  Governor,  "the  garrison  and  town  will  suf- 
fer for  want  of  fuel,  forage  and  other  necessaries,  unless  a  great 
supply  arrives  soon  from  Britain  or  Ireland.  Money  is  so  scarce 
that  bills  are  17^%  under  par.  Fresh  meat  sells  at  a  quarter  of  a 
dollar  per  pound.  Fresh  fish,  scarce  any.  In  short,  all  things 
wear  a  most  gloomy  aspect  indeed."  2  Wentworth  still  clung  to 
his  scheme  of  returning  to  New  Hampshire  under  the  protection 
of  a  man-of-war  or  two,  but  to  his  frequent  solicitations  the  Ad- 
miral always  replied  that  he  could  not  spare  any  ships  for  that 
purpose.  So  the  long,  dreary  winter  dragged  by,  and,  as  it  passed, 
two  things  became  perfectly  clear  to  John  Wentworth.   The  first 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  September  28,  1775. 

2.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Marquis  oj  Rockingham,  October  io,  1775;  in  the 
"British  Transcripts"  in  the  Library  of  Congress,  LC  223,  P.R.O.  C.O.5, 

I34--i5g- 


IN  EXILE  163 

was  that  the  Americans,  whatever  might  have  been  their  original 
intentions,  now  aimed  at  "total  independence  of  Great  Britain"; 
the  second  was  that  the  sooner  Mrs.  Wentworth  and  their  infant 
son  left  Boston,  the  better  it  would  be  for  all  concerned.  Mrs. 
Wentworth  had  received  many  invitations  from  friends  in  Eng- 
land, and  whatever  hesitancy  she  may  have  felt  at  first  about 
accepting  them  was  gradually  overcome  by  Boston's  lack  of  fuel 
and  scarcity  of  fresh  provisions.  On  the  nineteenth  of  January, 
therefore,  she  and  her  babe  sailed  for  England  on  the  Julius 
Caesar,1  leaving  the  Governor  to  await  the  outcome  of  the  siege. 
The  command  of  the  British  troops  in  America  had  been  taken 
away  from  General  Gage  and  was  now  administered  by  General 
William  Howe.  Although  the  price  paid  for  Bunker  Hill  ought 
to  have  impressed  Howe  with  the  advisability  of  possessing 
and  fortifying  every  unoccupied  hill  that  commanded  the  town 
and  harbor,  he  did  not  exert  himself  in  this  direction,  nor  in  any 
other  for  that  matter,  until  too  late.  One  morning  in  March, 
1776,  he  awoke  to  find  the  Americans  in  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights,  and  Boston  in  immediate  danger  of  bombardment. 
Either  the  Yankees  must  be  dislodged  or  the  British  must  evacu- 
ate the  town;  and  when  the  former  course  proved  impracticable 
General  Howe  hastily  prepared  for  the  only  alternative.  Went- 
worth now  had  reason  to  rejoice  that  his  lady  and  his  son  had  al- 
ready crossed  the  ocean;  for  the  town  was  filled  with  Loyalists 
who  were  frantic  at  the  thought  of  being  left  behind  to  face  the 
victorious  American  army.  The  Governor  was  fortunate  in  being 
able  to  engage  a  schooner,  the  Resource,  to  transport  his  remaining 
household,  himself,  and  a  score  of  other  Loyalists  to  Halifax.  The 
most  congenial  member  of  this  little  company  of  refugees  was  the 
Reverend  Dr.  Caner,  the  rector  of  King's  Chapel,  whom  Went- 
worth termed  "the  oldest  and  most  respectable  Church  of  Eng- 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  James  Monk,  February  12,  1776. 


164  IN  EXILE 

land  clergyman  in  New  England."  l  Sadly  they  sailed  away  to 
Nova  Scotia,  whence  in  the  course  of  a  few  months  the  Governor, 
young  Benning  Wentworth,  and  Thomas  Macdonogh  accom- 
panied the  fleet  and  the  army  to  Long  Island. 

The  winter  of  1776-1777  was  less  discouraging  than  its  prede- 
cessor had  been.  Howe  had  made  an  easy  conquest  of  New  York, 
and  there  were  other  indications  that  the  Americans  were  getting 
tired  of  the  war.  Wentworth,  at  Flatbush,  heard  now  and  then 
from  his  friends  in  New  Hampshire,  who  assured  him  that  there 
were  plenty  of  men  in  that  part  of  the  country  who  would  gladly 
combine  with  his  Majesty's  troops  and  suppress  the  rebellion  if  a 
force  of  British  soldiers  should  appear  there.  Of  course  some 
people,  like  John  Langdon,  were  getting  rich  from  privateering 
and  from  ship-building  contracts,  and  these  persons,  naturally 
enough,  kept  up  an  evil  spirit  among  the  populace;  but  on  the 
whole  New  Hampshire  was  weary  enough  of  the  struggle.2  Such 
were  the  reports  which  came  to  Wentworth,  and  he  was  not  dis- 
inclined to  believe  them.  Perhaps  Burgoyne's  impending  inva- 
sion from  Canada  would  not  only  provide  the  requisite  rallying 
point  for  New  Hampshire  loyalism,  but  would  even  end  the  war. 
But  Burgoyne's  campaign  accomplished  exactly  the  reverse.  It 
stimulated  the  New  Hampshire  countrymen  to  unusual  martial 
efforts  —  as  at  Bennington,  for  example  —  and  the  ultimate  sur- 
render at  Saratoga  proved  conclusively  that  the  Americans  had 
got  their  second  wind.  Obviously  the  end  of  the  war  was  not  yet 
at  hand.  Early  in  the  year  1777,  the  government  had  given 
Wentworth  permission  to  come  to  England  whenever  he  saw  fit. 
Since  it  was  now  clear  that  the  war  would  continue  indefinitely, 
he  abandoned  his  persistent  hope  of  accompanying  an  expedition- 
ary force  to  New  Hampshire,  and  in  February,  1778,  sailed  for 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  March  18,  1776. 
1.  John  Wentworth  to  Lord  George  Germain,  January  6,  1777. 


IN  EXILE  165 

England.  After  a  voyage  of  twenty-four  days  *  London  was  a 
welcome  sight,  for  to  Wentworth  it  meant  reunion  with  his  family. 

Mrs.  Wentworth  and  Charles-Mary  had  fared  very  well  since 
their  departure  from  Boston  two  years  before.  Lord  and  Lady 
Rockingham  had  proved  themselves  friends  indeed,  and  had 
done  all  things  possible  for  their  comfort  in  a  strange  land.  The 
Marquis  even  insisted  that  his  tiny  namesake  should  be  assigned 
to  the  apartments  which  he  himself  had  occupied  at  that  tender 
age.  Another  good  friend  was  Paul  Wentworth,  whose  austere 
country  residence,  Brandenburgh  House,  at  Hammersmith,  was 
a  second  home  to  John  for  the  next  five  years.  Paul's  loyalty 
to  the  Governor  at  the  time  of  the  Livius  accusations  was  now 
equaled  by  his  devotion  to  the  British  government  in  the  Ameri- 
can war.  Unlike  his  New  Hampshire  kinsman,  this  Mr.  Went- 
worth had  little  sympathy  with  the  cause  of  the  colonists,  and 
less  patience  with  their  methods.  When  war  broke  out,  therefore, 
he  gave  abundantly  of  his  time  and  energy  to  the  British  govern- 
ment. At  first  in  France  and  later  in  the  Netherlands  he  watched 
closely  the  movements  of  the  American  agents  and  reported  in 
cipher  to  Lord  North  whatever  information  he  considered  useful 
or  valuable. 

The  Prime  Minister  held  his  services  in  high  esteem,  but  George 
III  did  not  share  this  sentiment.  The  King  insisted  that  Paul 
Wentworth  was  "a  dabbler  in  the  Alley"  and  "an  avowed  stock- 
jobber," whose  primary  motive  was  to  promote  his  own  interests 
or  those  of  the  Governor.2  The  royal  prejudice  was  probably  due 
to  Mr.  Wentworth's  oft-repeated  conviction  that  France  would 
enter  the  war  on  the  side  of  the  Americans,  an  unpleasant  event 
which  the  King  refused  to  anticipate.    Arthur  Lee,  one  of  the 

1.  P.  O.  Hutchinson's  Diary  and  Letters  of  Thomas  Hutchinson,  ii,  192. 

2.  W.  B.  Donne's  Correspondences  of  King  George  the  Third  with  Lord  North, 
ii,  84, 90, 109. 


1 66  IN  EXILE 

American  commissioners  in  Europe  during  the  Revolution,  made 
perhaps  a  more  discerning  estimate  of  Paul  Wentworth,  "who," 
he  wrote,  "  from  his  attempts  upon  me  I  know  to  be  a  most  subtle 
tool  of  corruption."  1  John  Adams,  too,  disliked  having  Paul 
Wentworth  about.  Towards  the  end  of  the  war  he  encountered 
him  in  the  Netherlands,  where  the  gentleman  from  England  was 
making  informal  arrangements  for  a  treaty  of  peace  between  the 
Dutch  and  his  government.  And  after  the  independence  of  the 
United  States  had  been  recognized  by  Great  Britain,  Adams  com- 
plained that  Paul  Wentworth  and  others  in  London  were  busy 
"making  a  party  unfriendly  to  us,"  and  with  considerable  suc- 
cess.2 But  lest  one  carry  away  an  unfavorable  impression  of  John 
Wentworth's  "most  intimate,  dearest  and  confidential  friend,"  it 
is  only  fair  to  add  that  he  was  an  early  benefactor  of  Dartmouth 
College,  and  that  the  publication  of  the  Holland  Map  of  New 
Hampshire  in  1784  was  due  to  his  interest  and  generosity.3 

Not  long  after  his  arrival  in  England  Governor  Wentworth  had 
occasion  to  cross  the  Channel  and  to  spend  a  few  days  in  Paris. 
It  so  happened  that  at  that  time  his  classmate,  John  Adams,  was 
likewise  at  the  French  capital,  as  a  member  of  the  American  com- 
mission which  included  Benjamin  Franklin.  The  fact  that  war 
existed  between  England  and  France  seems  to  have  been  no  im- 
pediment to  Wentworth's  going  and  coming,  and  by  chance  he 
and  Adams  sought  entertainment  at  the  Comedie  Francaise  on 
the  same  evening.  The  story  of  their  meeting  is  best  told  in  the 
self-conscious  commissioner's  own  words. 

As  I  was  coming  out  of  the  box,  after  the  representation,  a  gentle- 
man seized  me  by  the  hand.  I  looked  at  him.  "Governor  Wentworth, 
sir,"  said  the  gentleman.    At  first,  I  was  somewhat  embarrassed,  and 

1.  New  York  Historical  Society's  Collections,  xxii,  99. 

2.  Ibid.,  xxiii,  184. 

3.  Chase's  History  of  Dartmouth  College,  pp.  572-574;  Belknap's  History  of 
New  Hampshire,  iii,  14. 


IN  EXILE  167 

knew  not  how  to  behave  towards  him.  As  my  classmate,  and  friend  at 
college,  and  ever  since,  I  could  have  pressed  him  to  my  bosom  with 
most  cordial  affection.  But  we  now  belonged  to  two  different  nations 
at  war  with  each  other,  and,  consequently,  we  were  enemies.  Both 
the  governor  and  the  minister  were  probably  watched  by  the  spies  of 
the  police,  and  our  interview  would  be  known  the  next  morning  at 
Versailles.  The  governor,  however,  relieved  me  from  my  reverie,  by 
asking  me  questions  concerning  his  father  and  friends  in  America, 
which  I  answered  according  to  my  knowledge.  He  then  inquired  after 
the  health  of  Dr.  Franklin,  and  said  he  must  come  out  to  Passy,  and 
pay  his  compliments  to  him.  He  should  not  dare  to  see  the  Marquis  of 
Rockingham,  after  his  return,  without  making  a  visit  to  Dr.  Franklin. 
Accordingly,  in  a  day  or  two,  he  came  and  made  us  a  morning  visit. 
Dr.  Franklin  and  I  received  him  together;  but  there  was  no  conversa- 
tion but  upon  trifles.  The  governor's  motives  for  this  trip  to  Paris, 
and  visit  to  Passy,  I  never  knew.  If  they  bore  any  resemblance  to  those 
of  Mr.  Hartley,  his  deportment  and  language  were  very  different.  Not 
an  indelicate  expression  to  us,  or  our  country,  or  our  ally,  escaped  him. 
His  whole  behavior  was  that  of  an  accomplished  gentleman.1 

The  greater  part  of  his  time  Wentworth  spent  in  and  about 
London,  where  he  found  many  of  his  American  friends  and  ac- 
quaintances among  the  homesick,  exiled  Loyalists.  Like  the  rest 
of  them,  the  Governor  probably  found  London  a  very  expensive 
place  of  residence,  in  which  his  pension  of  £600  per  annum  was  a 
quite  insufficient  source  of  revenue;  but  thanks  to  the  Marquis 
of  Rockingham  and  to  opulent  Paul  Wentworth,  he  and  his 
family  fared  better  than  most  of  their  countrymen. 

In  January,  1776,  the  revolutionary  congress  at  Exeter,  owing 
to  "the  sudden  and  abrupt  departure  of  his  Excellency  John 
Wentworth,  Esq.,  our  late  governor,  and  several  of  the  council," 
which  left  the  province  "destitute  of  legislation,"  framed  a  consti- 
tution. Not  being  quite  certain  whether  New  Hampshire  was  a 
province  or  a  state,  they  chose  the  equivocal  term  "colony." 
Under  this  constitution  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  governed 

1.  John  Adams's  Works,  iii,  150. 


1 68  IN  EXILE 

themselves,  first  as  a  colony  and  later  as  a  state,  throughout  the 
war.  Among  the  many  problems  which  confronted  the  govern- 
ment thus  established,  the  most  vexatious  was  that  of  financing 
the  state.  In  the  autumn  of  1777  the  Continental  Congress  rec- 
ommended that  relief  be  attempted  by  the  confiscation  and  sale 
of  the  real  and  personal  property  of  Loyalists.  There  were  many 
Americans  who  considered  such  a  course  not  only  unjust  but  even 
contrary  to  the  common  laws  of  war;  but  in  financial  desperation 
New  Hampshire,  like  her  sister  states,  accepted  the  recommenda- 
tion and  undertook  the  disagreeable  task  in  a  businesslike  man- 
ner. First,  the  Legislature  passed  an  act  forbidding  about 
seventy-five  persons,  who  for  one  reason  or  another  had  left  New 
Hampshire,  to  return  to  the  state  without  leave  from  the  govern- 
ment. The  penalty  for  the  first  offense  was  deportation;  for  the 
second,  death;  and  the  first  name  on  the  list  was  that  of  John 
Wentworth.1 

Having  disposed  of  the  persons  of  the  Loyalists,  the  Legisla- 
ture now  turned  its  attention  to  the  property  of  the  most  con- 
spicuous among  them.  In  accordance  with  the  general  policy 
adopted,  most  of  Wentworth's  personal  effects  were  confiscated 
and  some  were  sold  at  auction  at  Exeter;  but  greatly  to  its  credit 
the  Legislature  passed  a  special  vote  exempting  the  furniture  of 
his  Portsmouth  house  and  the  family  portraits  at  Wolfeborough, 
which  were  turned  over  to  his  father.2  His  real  estate,  comprising 

1 .  New  Hampshire  State  Papers,  viii,  8 1  o. 

2.  Ibid.,  viii,  822,  857.  In  connection  with  this  confiscation  one  cannot  but 
feel  a  degree  of  sympathy  for  Dr.  Joshua  Brackett  of  Portsmouth,  who  wrote 
to  Jeremy  Belknap:  "I  saw  in  the  Exeter  paper  an  advertisement  of  books  be- 
longing to  the  estate  of  the  late  G r  Wentworth,  to  be  sold  at  auction. 

I  have  one  among  them  (Tissott  on  Health).  My  name,  I  think,  is  wrote  in  it, 
and  I  lent  it  him  for  his  use  while  at  Wentworth  House.  By  claiming  it  for  me 
the  day  before  the  sale,  you'll  greatly  oblige  your  friend  &  hble.  servt." 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  136. 


IN  EXILE  169 

about  twenty  thousand  acres  in  various  parts  of  New  Hampshire, 
was  gradually  liquidated  by  the  official  trustee,  Captain  Samuel 
Gilman,  and  the  proceeds  were  paid  to  the  receiver  general.1 

Probably  few  events  in  his  life  caused  Wentworth  more  acute 
suffering  than  the  confiscation  of  his  beloved  plantation  at  Wolfe- 
borough,  but  the  spirit  in  which  he  faced  and  accepted  it  was 
characteristic  of  the  man.  "By  the  last  refugees  from  Ports- 
mouth and  Boston,"  he  wrote,  "  I  hear  of  an  attempt  or  intention 
to  sell  my  estate  in  New  Hampshire,  and  also  of  some  measures 
against  the  late  Mr.  Packer's  will  in  my  behalf.  For  myself,  I  am 
prepared  to  meet  any  event,  that  can  happen  to  me,  with  becom- 
ing patience  and  fortitude:  but  should  it  fall  into  the  hands  of 
Mr.  W.  L.,2  as  his  friends  here  intimate  is  intended,  I  believe  the 
poor  inhabitants  through  the  County  of  Strafford  will  have  no 
cause  to  rejoice  in  the  change.  God  knows  my  heart  sought  and 
indulged  its  greatest  delight  and  even  vanity  in  their  comfort  and 
growing  prosperity.  Extensive  as  my  property  is,  no  man  can  say 
his  was  diminished  thereby.  On  the  contrary,  it  is  a  cordial  that 
no  power  can  deprive  me  of,  that  many,  very  many,  must  feel  — 
and  their  inmost  souls  in  secret  acknowledge  —  the  reverse;  nor 
do  I  in  the  least  repent  the  expense  it  cost  me,  conscious  then  and 
satisfied  now,  that  though  my  means  was  not  equal  to  dry  up  the 
rough  sea  of  human  difficulties  and  distress, —  yet  to  their  utmost 
they  were  applied  in  assisting  my  brethren  in  their  passage  over. 
Whoever  may  possess  my  seat  at  W[olfeborough],  I  charge  him 
not  to  disgrace  its  name  by  turning  the  lingering  feet  of  the  chil- 
dren of  calamity,  uncomforted  from  that  door,  whose  hinges  will 
gladly  extend  to  receive  such  friends  of  the  founder.   As  to  any 

1.  Second  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Archives  for  the  Province  of  Ontario,  1, 
507-512,  616-617.  See  also  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  April  22  and  August  19, 
1780. 

2.  Woodbury  Langdon. 


170  IN  EXILE 

other  claim  of  mine,  my  heart  is  not  anxious,  but  I  confess  it 
would  grieve  me  to  have  that  estate  made  the  means  of  oppres- 
sion. In  such  case,  and  in  such  only,  should  I  regret  my  cost  and 
labor  thereon."  ' 

The  Governor's  fear  that  his  enemy,  Woodbury  Langdon, 
would  come  into  possession  of  Wentworth  House  was  not  realized. 
In  1781  Andrew  Cabot  of  Beverly,  who  had  become  rich  through 
privateering  during  the  war,  invested  some  of  his  newly  gotten 
wealth  in  the  famous  farm  at  Wolfeborough.2  Apparently  he  and 
his  brother  John  aspired  to  be  country  gentlemen,  —  for  a  few 
months  in  the  year  at  least.  Together  they  acquired  the  neigh- 
boring tracts  of  land  in  Middleton  until  their  combined  holdings 
formed  a  magnificent  estate;  but  the  death  of  Andrew  Cabot  in 
1791  seems  to  have  destroyed  his  brother's  interest  in  their  joint 
agricultural  enterprise,  and  before  long  it  passed  into  other  hands. 

The  confiscation  and  liquidation  of  Wentworth's  property  in 
New  Hampshire  brought  over  £10,000  into  the  treasury,  but  as 
the  estate  was  burdened  with  debts  amounting  to  £18,000  or 
more,  the  net  proceeds,  as  far  as  the  government  was  concerned, 
were  zero.  The  Governor's  father,  Mark  Hunking  Wentworth, 
was  the  largest  creditor,  and  being  also  a  true  aristocrat,  he  mag- 
nanimously withdrew  his  claim  to  the  £13,000  due  him  until  the 
other  creditors  had  been  paid  in  full.3 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  John  Peine,  August  30,  1779;  in  the  "Masonian 
Papers,"  vol.  iii  ("Peirce  Manuscripts"),  folio  51,  in  the  state  archives  at 
Concord,  New  Hampshire. 

2.  Strafford  County  Registry  0/ Deeds,  vol.  iv,  p.  42.  The  conveyance  is  dated 
February  1,  1781.  The  price  paid  was  354,470  pounds  Continental  currency, 
which  in  178 1  was  the  equivalent  of  about  £9000.  For  more  information  con- 
cerning the  Cabots  of  Beverly,  see  Henry  Cabot  Lodge's  Life  and  Letters  of 
George  Cabot,  pp.  13-14.  Andrew  and  John  Cabot  were  great-great-uncles  of 
the  distinguished  Senator  from  Massachusetts. 

3.  Belknap's  History  of  New  Hampshire,  ii,  433-434. 


IN  EXILE  171 

In  the  meantime  the  surrender  of  Cornwallis  at  Yorktown  had 
dislodged  Lord  North's  cabinet,  which  was  supplanted  in  March, 
1782,  by  a  Whig  ministry  with  the  Marquis  of  Rockingham  at 
its  head.  The  political  cards  could  not  have  been  shuffled  more 
favorably  for  John  Wentworth.  Although  the  friendly  Marquis 
died  in  the  following  July,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  he  was 
responsible  for  Wentworth's  obtaining  an  appointment  to  his 
former  office  of  surveyor  general  of  his  Majesty's  woods  in  North 
America.  The  American  Revolution  had  contracted  the  area  of 
the  King's  forests,  but  there  were  splendid  pines  in  Nova  Scotia 
(which  then  included  New  Brunswick),  and  their  preservation 
was  now  doubly  important.  In  the  summer  of  1783,  therefore, 
the  former  governor  of  New  Hampshire  left  his  family  in  England 
and  crossed  the  ocean  to  resume  in  a  new  region  his  familiar 
sylvan  duties. 


CHAPTER    XIV. 

NOVA  SCOTIA 

IN  September,  1783,  Nova  Scotia  was  neither  the  most  cheerful 
nor  the  most  comfortable  spot  in  the  world.  Thousands  of 
forlorn  Loyalists,  sent  hither  upon  the  evacuation  of  New  York 
were  disembarking  upon  its  inhospitable  shores,  and  new  towns, 
such  as  Shelburne  and  St.  John,  appeared  almost  overnight.  The 
efforts  of  these  unfortunates  to  be  housed  ere  the  long,  cruel 
winter  settled  upon  the  land  of  their  exile  were  strenuous  indeed; 
and  how  to  feed  the  twenty-five  or  thirty  thousand  newcomers 
was  another  great  problem.  But  this  sudden  immigration  and 
consequent  confusion  had  comparatively  little  effect  upon  the 
sleepy  capital  called  Halifax,  for  few  Loyalists  were  so  fortunate 
as  to  be  sent  to  that  comfortable  haven.1  Upon  his  arrival  from 
England,  Wentworth  found  Halifax  a  small,  aristocratic  commu- 
nity of  perhaps  twelve  hundred  people,2  many  of  whom  belonged 
to  families  that  had  migrated  from  New  England  twenty  years  or 
more  before  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution.  It  was  a  prosperous 
little  town  with  a  pronounced  military  and  naval  atmosphere,  for 
its  foundation  in  the  middle  of  the  century  had  been  due  to  Bri- 
tain's need  of  a  good  naval  station  in  the  northeastern  part  of 
America,  and  it  was  a  garrison  town  as  well.  The  worst  feature  of 
Halifax  was  its  climate,  which,  although  healthful,  consisted 
chiefly  of  a  long  winter,  a  short  summer,  and  frequent  fogs. 

After  the  American  Revolution  one  of  the  chief  duties  of  the 
surveyor  general  of  his  Majesty's  woods  was  the  selection  and 

1.  Douglas  Brymner's  Report  on  Canadian  Archives,  1884,  p.  xli. 

2.  Beamish  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  37. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  173 

reservation  of  large  tracts  of  timber  in  Nova  Scotia,  New  Bruns- 
wick, and  Cape  Breton.  The  office  now  commanded  a  salary  of 
£800,  but  that  meant  only  "  £400  neat,"  according  to  Wentworth, 
besides  a  guinea  a  day  when  the  surveyor  was  in  active  service.  In 
earlier  days  nothing  had  given  John  Wentworth  greater  satisfac- 
tion than  his  expeditions  into  the  New  Hampshire  forests,  but  at 
forty-five  or  fifty  he  found  the  life  of  a  timber-cruiser  a  strain 
upon  his  constitution,  which  had  always  had  rheumatic  proclivi- 
ties. Nevertheless,  he  spent  about  six  months  of  the  year  in  the 
woods  '  and  complained  but  little  of  the  hardships  encountered 
in  the  performance  of  his  duties. 

Although  Wentworth  came  out  from  England  alone,  Mrs. 
Wentworth  soon  followed  him  to  his  new  surroundings,  and  in  a 
beautiful  situation,  on  the  west  shore  of  Bedford  Basin,  about  six 
miles  from  Halifax,  they  built  an  attractive  but  unpretentious 
country  home.2  This  miniature  Wentworth  House  in  Nova 
Scotia  the  Surveyor  General  called  Friar  Lawrence's  Cell,  but, 
for  financial  reasons  perhaps,  he  did  not  lavish  upon  it  and  its 
surrounding  acres  of  woodland  the  enthusiasm  and  prodigality 
which  had  made  famous  his  seat  in  New  Hampshire.  Here  and  in 
Halifax  the  years  passed  pleasantly  and  rapidly.  Meanwhile 
Charles-Mary  Wentworth,  who  had  been  left  in  England,  was 
growing  up.  His  school-days  were  spent  at  Westminster,  where 
he  did  well  in  his  studies,  particularly  in  Hebrew  and  Greek.3  In 
1791  he  was  a  youth  of  sixteen  years,  and  to  become  reacquainted 
with  this  young  man  was  doubtless  the  primary  motive  of  Mr. 
and  Mrs.  Wentworth  when  they  decided  to  revisit  England  in 

1.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  497. 

2.  "Masonian  Papers,"  vol.  iii  ("Peirce  Manuscripts"),  folio  99;  in  the 
state  archives  at  Concord,  New  Hampshire. 

3.  Westminster  School  Register,  1764— 1883,  p.  245;  Mrs.  Marcou's  Life  0/ 
Jeremy  Belknap,  p.  197,  and  "Peirce  Manuscripts,"  folio  103. 


174  NOVA  SCOTIA 

that  year.  They  little  dreamed  how  opportune,  from  a  political 
point  of  view,  the  Surveyor  General's  presence  in  London  at  just 
that  time  was  to  prove. 

John  Parr  had  been  governor  of  Nova  Scotia  for  about  nine 
years,  when,  in  the  autumn  of  179 1,  he  died  in  office.  As  soon  as 
the  news  of  his  demise  reached  England,  the  Home  Secretary, 
Henry  Dundas,  naturally  looked  about  for  a  successor,  and  John 
Wentworth  took  pains  to  be  in  sight.1  One  day  during  the  winter 
of  1791-1792,  therefore,he  received  the  coveted  appointment,  and 
in  the  following  April  he  sailed  for  Nova  Scotia  as  chief  executive 
of  that  province.  When  the  frigate  Hussar  made  port  at  Hali- 
fax five  weeks  later,  the  Governor  was  welcomed  by  a  salute  of 
fifteen  guns  and  was  escorted  to  Government  House  by  an  ap- 
propriate delegation  of  magistrates  and  army  officers.  On  the 
following  day,  May  14,  1792,  Wentworth  was  sworn  into  office, 
and  the  guns  on  the  parade  proclaimed  his  inauguration  to  the 
surrounding  country. 

In  speaking  of  John  Wentworth  as  the  governor  of  Nova 
Scotia,  one  is  guilty  of  technical  inaccuracy,  for,  since  1786,  the 
governor  at  Quebec  had  been  nominally  the  chief  executive  of 
Nova  Scotia.  Hence  Wentworth's  exact  office  was  that  of  lieu- 
tenant-governor, although  his  duties  and  powers  were  in  no  way 
limited  by  his  titular  superior.  Governor  Wentworth,  therefore, 
had  a  free  hand  in  the  government  of  his  province.  He  studied  its 
needs,  and  promoted  legislation  to  meet  them  with  the  same  intel- 
ligence and  tact  which  had  characterized  his  administration  in 
New  Hampshire.  It  is  interesting,  rather  than  surprising,  per- 
haps, to  discover  that  his  fundamental  policies  were  practically 
the  same  in  both  provinces.  These  were  the  construction  of  good 
roads,  the  encouragement  of  education,  and  the  maintenance  of 
military  preparedness. 

I.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  522. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  175 

Like  Wentworth's  native  province,  Nova  Scotia  contained  a 
diversified  population,  but  in  his  new  jurisdiction  the  differences 
were  much  more  pronounced  than  in  New  Hampshire.  In  the 
first  place,  there  were  the  English,  Scotch,  and  American  colon- 
ists who  had  settled  on  the  peninsula  since  1750.  Secondly,  there 
were  the  French  Canadians  or  Acadians,  unfortunate  relics  of  a 
previous  empire,  but  more  fortunate,  perhaps,  than  those  de- 
ported from  the  land  of  Evangeline  in  1755.  They  were  not  an 
easy  people  for  an  Englishman  to  understand  either  as  to  lan- 
guage or  customs,  and  the  fact  that  England  and  France  were  at 
war  in  1793,  and  for  years  afterward,  laid  them  under  suspicion. 
Thirdly,  there  were  Indians,  poor  improvident  Micmacs,  who 
could  no  longer  gain  a  livelihood  from  hunting,  and  yet  found  it 
difficult  to  change  their  habits  and  pursue  agriculture.  Fourthly, 
there  were  black  men,  most  of  them  negro  Loyalists  or  soldiers  in 
the  late  war,  who  had  been  granted  lands  in  Nova  Scotia  and  New 
Brunswick.  Add  to  this  variety  of  races  a  colony  of  Germans  and 
a  few  Irish,  and  one  has  a  fairly  accurate  idea  of  the  citizenry 
under  Wentworth's  jurisdiction.  The  first  group  —  the  English, 
Scotch,  and  Americans  —  caused  the  Governor  little  concern. 
They  were  for  the  most  part  of  his  own  stripe,  earnest,  upright, 
and  self-reliant,  and  they  formed  the  backbone  of  Nova  Scotia. 
But  the  less  fortunate  races  appealed  to  his  sympathy  and  evoked 
his  special  care.  There  were  probably  not  many  more  than  a  hun- 
dred Acadian  families  in  the  whole  peninsula  and  they  might 
easily  have  been  ignored  by  the  government,  but  Wentworth 
went  out  of  his  way  to  make  them  feel  that  they  were  a  desirable 
and  important  part  of  the  body  politic.  He  required  no  fees  when 
granting  lands  to  them;  he  placed  them  on  grand  juries  and 
appointed  them  to  local  offices;  he  even  helped  their  priests.  Gov- 
ernment of  this  kind  was  new  to  the  Acadians,  and  when  war 
between  France  and  England  made  military  preparations  neces- 


176  NOVA  SCOTIA 

sary,  they  showed  their  appreciation  by  sending  Wentworth 
seventy-five  volunteers.  "Their  old  captain  told  me,"  wrote  the 
Governor,  "they  now  first  found  themselves  the  same  as  English- 
men and  were  perfectly  happy,  and  would  be  as  faithful  to  the 
King  and  Province  as  any  man  in  it.  I  confess  recovering  these 
poor  people  to  their  own  happiness,  and  as  the  old  man  said  to 
me,  that  I  had  made  them  forget  all  the  miseries  their  people  had 
formerly  suffered,  gives  me  infinitely  more  comfort  than  any 
other  thing  since  my  administration."  l 

The  Indians,  too,  he  treated  like  human  beings,  and  with  al- 
most equally  gratifying  results.  He  believed  that  with  a  little 
encouragement  they  would  attempt  enough  agriculture  to  be 
self-supporting.  At  any  rate,  he  was  willing  to  try  the  experi- 
ment by  promising  a  pair  of  blankets  to  each  family  that  raised 
enough  produce  for  its  own  sustenance.2  In  order  to  give  them  a 
fair  start,  he  drew  upon  the  imperial  government  for  a  few  hun- 
dred pounds  and  provided  them  with  the  tools  and  seeds. 
Through  his  efforts,  too,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  Indian 
warriors  were  annexed  to  the  provincial  military  establishment 
for  use  in  time  of  emergency.  They  received  no  pay,  but  were 
fed  and  clothed  at  the  expense  of  the  government,  and  in  return 
were  expected  to  be  faithful  to  the  British  king,  and  to  fight  in 
case  of  an  invasion  by  the  French.3  Thus  another  element  in  the 
population,  which  might  have  been  alienated,  was  bound  to  the 
government  through  the  humanity  and  wisdom  of  John  Went- 
worth. It  is  not  surprising,  therefore,  that  he  was  referred  to  by 
the  press  as  "our  beloved  and  adored  governor,"  nor  that  he 
should  have  evoked  the  following  lines  from  one  of  his  admirers, 

1.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  564. 

2.  Nova  Scotia  Archives,  p.  502. 

3.  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  115,  154-155. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  177 

who  saw  him  and  his  lady  pass  through  Granville  while  touring 
the  western  part  of  the  province: 

When  tyrants  travel,  though  in  pompous  state, 

Each  eye  beholds  them  with  indignant  hate; 

Destroying  angels  thus  are  said  to  move, 

The  objects  more  of  terror  than  of  love; 

For  grandeur  can't,  unless  with  goodness  join'd, 

Afford  true  pleasure  to  the  virtuous  mind. 

But  when  our  loyal  Wentworth  deigns  to  ride, 

(The  Sovereign's  fav'rite  and  the  subject's  pride), 

Around  the  chariot  crowding  numbers  throng, 

And  hail  his  virtues  as  he  moves  along; 

Such  high  respect  shall  be  conferred  on  him 

The  king  delights  to  honor  and  esteem. 

Whose  loyalty  unshaken,  spotless  fame, 

And  social  virtues  shall  endear  his  name 

In  every  loyal  bosom  long  to  live 

As  our  lov'd  monarch's  representative."1 

England's  wars  with  the  French  revolutionists  and  with 
Napoleon  prevented  the  achievement  of  extensive  internal  im- 
provements in  Nova  Scotia  during  the  sixteen  years  of  John 
Wentworth 's  administration.  Nevertheless,  within  a  few  months 
of  his  inauguration  he  had  brought  about  the  construction  of  a 
road  connecting  the  town  of  Pictou,  a  Scottish  settlement  on  the 
Gulf  of  St.  Lawrence,  with  Halifax.  "This  has  been  long  wanted," 
wrote  the  Governor,  "but  thought  impracticable,  from  the  ex- 
pense, and  the  supposed  difficulty  of  the  country.  Both  are,  how- 
ever, overcome,  and  a  good  cart-road  is  cut,  made,  and  bridged, 
by  which  the  inhabitants  of  that  populous,  increasing,  and  fertile 
district  have  an  easy  communication  with  the  capital,  and  can 
enjoy  the  benefits  of  its  commerce,  as  well  as  all  the  advantages  of 
law  and  government;  of  all  of  which  they  were  before  almost  as 
much  deprived  as  if  they  had  been  resident  on  the  White  Moun- 

1.  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  139. 


178  NOVA  SCOTIA 

tains.  This  has  been  accomplished  without  any  burthen  on  the 
public,  from  a  revenue  which  has  always  been  disposed  of  by 
governors,  but  hitherto  not  appropriated  to  such  purposes  as  I 
think  it  my  duty  to  apply  it.  The  distance  is  sixty-eight  miles,  of 
which  I  have  cut,  bridged,  and  made  entirely,  forty,  and  made 
the  remainder  comfortable  (except  eight  miles  which  was  done 
before),  and  my  funds  diminished  not  £150  currency."  l  With 
true  Wentworthian  eclat  he  went  to  Pictou  in  the  autumn  of 
1792,  and  officially  opened  the  road  in  person.  Equally  char- 
acteristic was  the  Governor's  scheme  to  connect  Halifax  and  the 
Basin  of  Minas  by  a  canal.  The  Shubenacadie  River  on  one  side 
of  the  watershed  and  a  chain  of  lakes  on  theother  made  it  a  tempt- 
ing proposition,  and  although  not  carried  into  effect  in  Went- 
worth's  time,  an  artificial  waterway  was  established  about  1830. 

The  Church  of  England  college  which  Wentworth  had  hoped  to 
establish  at  Hanover,  New  Hampshire,  he  found  at  Windsor, 
Nova  Scotia,  where,  in  1788,  the  provincial  government,  in  close 
agreement  with  the  Established  Church,  had  opened  an  institu- 
tion of  learning.  To  promote  the  welfare  of  this  little  college 
became  one  of  the  Governor's  fixed  policies.  As  early  as  1792  he 
besought  the  Crown  to  grant  a  charter  of  incorporation,  and  re- 
peatedly reminded  the  imperial  government  of  its  need  of  finan- 
cial assistance.  In  both  causes  he  was  ultimately  successful.  The 
British  government  supplemented  its  original  grant  of  £4000  by 
a  subsidy  of  £1500  in  1795,  and  in  1802  Parliament  began  a  series 
of  annual  appropriations  of  £1000  which  continued  for  thirty 
years  or  more.  In  1802  the  much  desired  charter  was  issued  to 
the  institution  which  received  the  name  of  King's  College.2 

Wentworth  was,  of  course,  appointed  one  of  the  governors  of 
the  College,  as  was  also  the  Bishop  of  Nova  Scotia.   The  Arch- 

1.  Mrs.  Marcou's  Life  of  Jeremy  Belknap,  pp.  195-196. 
1.  T.  B.  Akins's  Brief  Account  of  King's  College. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  179 

bishop  of  Canterbury  was  made  patron,  with  power  to  veto  any 
statutes,  rules,  or  ordinances  adopted  by  the  governing  board. 
Under  such  a  charter  one  would  have  expected  the  development 
of  a  strictly  denominational  college,  but,  curiously  enough,  it  was 
the  bishop  and  the  archbishop  who  prevented  its  falling  into  big- 
otry. In  1803  the  majority  of  the  governing  board  adopted  a 
statute  which  compelled  every  student  at  his  matriculation  to 
subscribe  to  the  Thirty-nine  Articles  of  Faith  of  the  Church  of 
England.  Against  this  the  bishop  protested  on  the  ground  that  it 
would  give  just  dissatisfaction  to  the  Dissenters  who  had  united 
with  the  Episcopalians  in  founding  the  College,  and  whose  sons 
would  now  be  excluded.  The  governors  did  not  see  fit  to  repeal 
the  statute,  however;  thereupon  the  bishop  appealed  to  the 
archbishop,  who,  to  his  everlasting  credit,  annulled  the  illiberal 
restriction  and  forced  the  board  to  open  the  gates  to  both  Church- 
man and  Dissenter.  Where  John  Wentworth  stood  on  this  ques- 
tion is  more  easily  guessed  than  ascertained.  But  the  fact  that 
he  was  the  highest  government  official  on  a  board  which  somehow 
failed  to  publish  the  repeal  of  the  denominational  restriction,  and 
so  allowed  the  people  of  the  province  to  remain  uninformed  of  the 
change  in  entrance  requirements,  suggests  that  he  was  not  on  the 
side  of  the  broad-minded  bishop. 

War  with  France,  which  broke  out  in  1793,  and  doubt  concern- 
ing the  neutrality  of  the  United  States  in  that  struggle,  made 
extensive  military  preparations  necessary  even  in  so  remote  a 
corner  of  the  world  as  Nova  Scotia.  Wentworth  threw  himself 
into  this  work  with  his  usual  energy.  At  the  direction  of  the 
British  government,  he  raised  a  corps  of  six  hundred  troops  called 
"The  King's  Nova  Scotia  Regiment,"  which  acquitted  itself  well; 
equal  success  attended  his  efforts  to  organize  an  efficient  and 
mobile  provincial  militia.  There  were  in  Nova  Scotia  about  nine 
thousand  men  capable  of  bearing  arms,  but  only  in  case  of  ex- 


i8o  NOVA  SCOTIA 

treme  emergency  would  Wentworth  have  expected  all  of  them  to 
mobilize,  since  they  were  for  the  most  part  farmers,  upon  whom 
the  province  depended  for  its  subsistence.  He  wished,  however, 
to  have  about  a  thousand  armed  men  whom  he  could  call  into 
active  service  at  a  moment's  notice  and  send  to  any  part  of  the 
peninsula  that  might  be  invaded.  This  desire  led  to  the  formation 
of  a  legion  consisting  of  seven  companies  of  infantry,  two  of  artil- 
lery, and  one  of  cavalry,  that  prided  itself  on  the  rapidity  with 
which  it  could  assemble  ready  for  duty.1  Apparently  the  Gov- 
ernor's zeal  and  enthusiasm  were  transmitted  through  every 
branch  of  the  militia,  for  when  it  was  noised  abroad  that  a 
French  fleet  was  about  to  descend  upon  Halifax  the  officers 
found  it  difficult  to  obtain  obedience  from  those  who  were  ordered 
to  stay  at  home.2  Of  the  thousand  or  more  who  marched  into 
town,  Wentworth  wrote,  "Perhaps  a  finer  body  of  athletic, 
healthy  young  men  were  never  assembled  in  any  country,  nor 
men  more  determined  to  do  their  duty." 

Much  of  the  Governor's  success  with  the  militia  may  be  at- 
tributed to  his  consideration  for  them  as  human  beings.  When, 
in  the  month  of  May,  1795,  the  commander  of  the  regular  troops 
called  upon  Wentworth  to  supply  him  with  six  hundred  pro- 
vincials to  erect  and  repair  the  fortifications  of  Halifax,  the 
Governor  replied  that  it  was  planting  time  and  that  in  the  ab- 
sence of  an  emergency  he  did  not  feel  justified  in  taking  the  men 
away  from  their  fields  at  such  a  critical  season.  Upon  another 
occasion  he  asked  the  imperial  government  to  give  Nova  Scotia 
naval  protection  in  order  to  insure  the  militia  against  being  called 
from  their  farms  at  either  seed  or  harvest  time.'  Thus  the  rustic 
population,  like  the  Acadians  and  the  Indians,  recognized  in  the 

1 .  Nova  Scotia  Archives,  p.  507. 

2.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  564. 

3.  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  136;  Nova  Scotia  Archives,  p.  499. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  181 

Governor  an  understanding  friend,  and  his  popularity  became 
universal. 

Although  the  French  fleet  failed  to  attack  Nova  Scotia,  it  is 
not  impossible  that  Wentworth's  vigilant  preparations  for  the 
defense  of  his  province  discouraged  the  enemy  from  attempting 
to  carry  out  their  supposed  plan.  It  may  have  been  in  recogni- 
tion of  these  efforts  that  he  was  created  a  baronet  in  the  spring  of 
1795.  We  should  like  to  think  so,  but  the  truth-telling  archives 
show  that  the  elevation  did  not  come  unsought.  In  June,  1793, 
the  Governor  had  asked  for  the  title '  which  the  King,  on  the 
eleventh  of  April,  1795,  conferred  upon  him. 

In  the  ten  years  that  followed  the  conclusion  of  the  American 
Revolution  Halifax  had  grown  rapidly.  Its  population  had  in- 
creased from  twelve  hundred  to  almost  five  thousand,  and  the 
social  life  of  the  provincial  capital  had  become  more  interesting 
in  the  same  ratio.  After  1792  Governor  and  Mrs.  Wentworth 
were,  of  course,  the  recognized  king  and  queen  in  the  local  court, 
and  they  played  their  parts  well.  Their  dinners  and  other  enter- 
tainments exhausted  the  adjectives  and  superlatives  at  the  dis- 
posal of  the  Halifax  newspaper.  In  a  single  year  more  than 
twenty-five  hundred  people  dined  at  Government  House,2  and  an 
occasion  such  as  the  King's  birthday  or  that  of  the  Prince  of 
Wales,  was  almost  invariably  celebrated  by  a  levee,  a  banquet,  or 
a  ball.  A  newspaper  account  of  one  of  these  gatherings  gives  us 
both  a  description  of  the  event  itself  and  an  idea  of  the  impression 
it  made  upon  contemporary  Haligonians. 

On  the  evening  of  Thursday,  December  20th,  the  Lieutenant  Gov- 
ernor and  Mrs.  Wentworth  gave  a  ball  and  supper  to  the  ladies  and 
gentlemen  of  the  town  and  the  officers  of  the  army  and  navy,  which 
was  altogether  the  most  brilliant  and  sumptuous  entertainment  ever 
given  in  this  country.    The  company  being  assembled  in  the  levee 

I.  Nova  Scotia  Archives,  p.  486.  2.  Wentworth  Genealogy,  i,  546. 


i82  NOVA  SCOTIA 

room  at  eight  o'clock,  the  band,  which  was  very  numerous  and  excel- 
lent, played  "God  save  the  King"  three  times  over,  after  which  the 
country  dances  commenced,  two  sets  dancing  at  the  same  time.  The 
whole  house  was  open  —  every  room  illuminated  and  elegantly  deco- 
rated. There  was  a  room  set  apart  for  cotillions,  above  stairs,  for  those 
who  chose  to  dance  them,  and  a  band  provided  on  purpose  for  it.  Dur- 
ing the  dancing  there  were  refreshments  of  ice,  orgeat,  capillaire,  and  a 
variety  of  other  things.  At  twelve  the  supper-room  was  opened,  and 
too  much  cannot  be  said  of  the  splendor  and  magnificence  of  it;  the 
ladies  sat  down  at  table,  and  the  gentlemen  waited  upon  them.  Among 
other  ornaments,  which  were  altogether  superb,  there  were  exact  repre- 
sentations of  Messrs.  Hartshorne  and  Tremaine's  new  flour-mill,  and 
of  the  windmill  on  the  Common.  The  model  of  the  new  lighthouse  at 
Shelburne  was  incomparable,  and  the  tract  of  the  new  road  from  Pic- 
tou  was  delineated  in  the  most  ingenious  and  surprising  manner,  as 
was  the  representation  of  our  fisheries,  that  great  source  of  the  wealth 
of  this  country.  To  all  these  inimitable  ornaments  corresponding 
mottoes  were  attached,  so  that  not  only  waste  and  elegance  were  con- 
spicuous, but  encouragement  and  genius  were  displayed.  The  viands 
and  wines  were  delectable,  and  mirth,  grace,  and  good  humor  seemed 
to  have  joined  hands  to  celebrate  some  glorious  festival;  but  this  was 
only  for  the  friends  of  the  Governor  and  Mrs.  Wentworth.  When  the 
ladies  left  the  supper-room  the  gentlemen  sat  down  at  table,  when  the 
Governor  gave  several  loyal  toasts,  with  three  times  three,  and  an  appli- 
cable tune  was  played  after  each  bumper,  which  had  an  admirable 
effect.  At  two  o'clock  the  dancing  recommenced,  and  at  four  the  com- 
pany retired.  That  ease,  elegance,  and  superiority  of  manners,  which 
must  ever  gain  Mrs.  Wentworth  the  admiration  of  the  whole  com- 
munity, and  that  hospitality,  perfect  good  breeding,  and  infinite  liber- 
ality which  so  distinguish  the  character  and  conduct  of  our  beloved 
and  adored  Governor,  never  shone  with  more  lustre  than  on  this  occa- 
sion, when  every  care  of  his  and  Mrs.  Wentworth's  mind  seemed  to  be 
to  give  one  universal  satisfaction.  Everything  tended  to  promote  one 
sympathizing  joy,  and  never  was  there  a  night  passed  with  more  per- 
fect harmony  and  luxurious  festivity.1 

Unexpected  lustre  was  added  to  Halifax  society  in  May,  1794, 
when  his  Royal  Highness  Prince  Edward  arrived  in  Nova  Scotia. 

1.  Quoted  in  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  103-104. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  183 

Today  if  we  remember  the  prince  at  all,  it  is  as  the  Duke  of  Kent, 
the  father  of  Queen  Victoria.  To  John  Wentworth  he  was  merely 
the  King's  fourth  son,  a  young  man  in  his  twenties,  whom  the 
Governor  found  likable  and  whose  favor  he  thought  it  wise  to 
cultivate.  "This  prince,"  he  wrote,  "is  possessed  of  considerable 
abilities,  a  mild  and  benevolent  temper,  an  active  discriminating 
mind,  retentive  memory,  and  quick  perception,  unremittingly 
diligent  in  his  profession,  methodical,  exact  and  punctual  in  all 
his  arrangements,  to  the  minutest  precision,  both  in  command 
and  in  example;  temperate  in  eating,  drinking,  and  sleep,  almost 
to  abstemiousness;  and  although  possessing  a  full  sense  of  his 
high  dignity,  it  is  maintained  with  a  condescending  attention 
that  wonderfully  attracts  every  person."  l  After  spending  several 
months  at  Government  House  with  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Wentworth, 
Prince  Edward  established  himself  and  his  beloved  Madam  de 
St.  Laurent  at  Friar  Lawrence's  Cell,  his  host's  country  seat, 
"there  being  no  other  in  any  degree  proper,"  according  to  the 
Governor.  The  royal  lessee  reconstructed  the  house,  gave  it  the 
appropriate  name  of  The  Prince's  Lodge,  developed  the  beautiful 
grounds,  and  upon  his  final  departure  from  the  province  in  1800, 
returned  to  the  owner  a  far  more  pretentious  residence  than  that 
which  had  been  placed  at  his  disposal  in  1794. 

Soon  after  his  arrival  at  Halifax  Prince  Edward  was  appointed 
military  commander  of  the  district,2  and  it  speaks  well  both  for 
his  Royal  Highness  and  for  Governor  Wentworth  that,  although 
one  represented  the  military  and  the  other  the  civil  government, 
they  worked  together  in  perfect  harmony.  Early  in  1795  they 
hatched  a  little  plot  together.  It  was  rumored  at  that  time  that 
Lord  Dorchester,  originally  Guy  Carleton,  was  about  to  resign 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  the  Duke  0/  Portland,  January  22,  1795;  "Emmet 
Manuscripts,"  no.  1972,  in  the  New  York  Public  Library. 

2.  Nova  Scotia  Archives,  p.  503. 


1 84  NOVA  SCOTIA 

the  governorship  of  Quebec,  and  it  occurred  to  Prince  Edward 
and  to  Wentworth  that  it  would  be  very  agreeable  if  they  could 
be  promoted  to  Quebec  with  the  same  division  of  power  to  which 
they  were  accustomed  in  Nova  Scotia.1  But  their  scheme  bore  no 
fruit;  although  Dorchester  left  Canada  in  the  following  year,  the 
two  aspirants  for  his  office  remained  at  Halifax.  In  the  summer  of 
1798,  a  horse  which  the  Prince  was  riding,  fell  and  badly  crushed 
its  rider's  leg.  The  physicians  agreed  that  his  Royal  Highness 
should  go  to  England  for  treatment  as  soon  as  possible,  to  which 
the  patient  readily  consented.  He  was  absent  for  almost  a  year, 
during  which  period  the  Nova  Scotians  sent  him  a  token  of  their 
high  regard.  Five  hundred  guineas  were  subscribed,  and  at  Ken- 
sington Palace,  in  January,  1799,  a  diamond  star  of  the  Order  of 
the  Garter  was  presented  to  the  Prince  by  Charles-Mary  Went- 
worth and  a  Mr.  Hartshorne.  The  late  summer  of  1799  found 
Prince  Edward  once  more  at  Halifax,  but  now  as  Duke  of  Kent 
and  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  army  in  British  North  America. 
Again  he  made  his  home  at  The  Lodge  in  which,  he  told  Went- 
worth, he  took  more  pleasure  than  in  any  other  place  out  of  Eng- 
land.2 This  time,  however,  his  visit  was  of  short  duration,  for 
within  a  year  his  Royal  Highness  bade  farewell  to  Nova  Scotia 
and  returned  to  England. 

Two  other  distinguished  men  visited  Halifax  during  John 
Wentworth's  administration.  One  was  the  Duke  of  Orleans, 
whom  the  Revolution  of  1830  transformed  into  Louis  Philippe, 
the  citizen  king  of  the  French.  In  1799  the  future  king  was  a 
prisoner  of  war,  but  he  and  his  brothers,  the  Duke  of  Montpen- 
sier  and  the  Count  of  Beaujolie,  were  wined  and  dined  by  the 
Governor  and  by  the  Duke  of  Kent.  Both  Sir  John  and  his 
Royal  Highness  felt  a  bit  guilty  when  they  wrote  the  government 

1.  "Emmet  Manuscripts,"  no.  1972;  in  the  New  York  Public  Library. 

2.  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  181. 


NOVA  SCOTIA  185 

about  the  entertainment  of  their  prisoner  guests,  but  the  visit  of 
the  French  noblemen  remained  for  many  years  a  memorable 
event  in  the  annals  of  Halifax  society.  The  other  distinguished 
visitor  was  the  sentimental  Irish  poet,  Thomas  Moore,  who,  in 
September,  1 804,  ended  his  American  travels  in  the  Nova  Scotian 
capital.  Wentworth  entertained  his  charming  guest  by  a  trip  to 
the  college  at  Windsor,  where,  according  to  Moore,  they  attended 
the  first  examination  held  in  that  institution.1  French  noblemen 
and  Irish  poets  may  have  afforded  temporary  excitement  to  the 
little  court  at  Halifax,  but  its  greatest  asset  was  the  continued 
presence  of  Sir  John  and  Lady  Wentworth.  The  Governor's  gen- 
iality and  tact  were  supplemented  by  the  graciousness  of  his  wife. 
An  unprejudiced  contemporary  declared  emphatically  that  she 
was  "really  a  wonderfully  charming  woman,"  2  and  the  state- 
ment is  borne  out  by  her  conquest  at  the  court  of  George  III. 
When  she  was  presented,  in  the  summer  of  1798,  Queen  Charlotte 
was  so  captivated  by  her  personality  and  good  breeding,  that  she 
forthwith  appointed  her  a  lady  in  waiting,  with  permission  to  re- 
side abroad  and  a  salary  of  £500  per  annum.3  Probably  few  inci- 
dents in  his  life  gave  John  Wentworth  deeper  joy  than  this  honor 
which  royalty  paid  to  his  lady,  for  as  Frances  Wentworth,  Mrs. 
Atkinson,  or  Lady  Wentworth  she  was  in  his  eyes  ever  incom- 
parable. 

1.  Memoirs,  Journals  and Correspondence  of  Thomas  Moore, 1, 175. 

2.  Winshvo  Papers,  p.  445. 

3.  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  172. 


CHAPTER    XV. 

BENEDICTION 

IN  spite  of  proscription  and  confiscation  John  Wentworth  felt 
no  enduring  resentment  towards  his  native  land.  "The  gen- 
eral disposition  of  kindness  towards  me,  which  is  manifested  in 
that  country,"  he  wrote  in  1792,  "is  unfeignedly  pleasing  to  me, 
after  an  adherence  to  my  public  duty  to  oppose  their  revolution 
which  for  so  many  years  had  divided  us."  1  And  although  he 
never  carried  out  the  intention  to  revisit  New  Hampshire  and 
Boston,  which  he  expressed  in  the  same  letter,  he  corresponded 
with  his  old  acquaintances  and  continued  as  far  as  possible  the 
friendly  intercourse  of  pre-revolutionary  days.  First  among  these 
old  friends  was  Jeremy  Belknap,  the  historian  of  New  Hampshire, 
whom  Sir  John  had  known  well  as  the  wide-awake  young  minister 
of  Dover. 

In  the  good  old  times  Belknap  had  been  one  of  the  most  wel- 
come guests  at  Wolfeborough,  and  the  Governor  had  followed  the 
writing  of  his  remarkable  History  of  New  Hampshire  with  great 
interest.  When  he  returned  the  manuscript  of  the  first  chapter, 
which  Belknap  had  submitted  for  his  criticism,  John  Wentworth 
wrote  as  graceful  an  appreciation  as  any  author  ever  received: 
"Your  care  in  this  composition,"  he  averred,  "disappoints  the 
ambition  of  critical  examination,  and  gratifies  the  more  pleasing 
candour  of  friendship.  Both  combine  in  justifying  my  declara- 
tion that  I  cannot  suggest  an  amendment."  2  The  Governor's  aid 

I.  John  Wentworth  to  Stephen  Skinner,  November  21,  1792;  at  Halifax. 
1.  John  Wentworth  to  Jeremy  Belknap,  November  18,  1774. 


BENEDICTION  187 

was  not  limited  to  appreciation,  however.  Owing  to  the  im- 
portant part  played  by  his  family  in  New  Hampshire  affairs  for 
almost  a  century,  he  was  able  to  throw  light  upon  a  number  of 
points,  which  the  historian  would  otherwise  have  found  difficult 
of  elucidation.1  At  a  later  time,  when  Belknap  was  studying 
what  he  called  "the  ante-Columbian  discovery  of  America,"  in 
preparation  for  his  American  Biography,  Wentworth  "employed 
a  proper  person  to  search  for  any  vestige  or  tradition"  of  the 
Northmen  on  the  coast  of  Newfoundland,  and,  to  the  apparent 
disappointment  of  his  truth-seeking  friend,  reported  that  there 
was  on  the  island  no  trace  of  the  ancient  colony  and  "no  appear- 
ance of  grapevines,  or  of  anything  that  could  be  mistaken  for 
them."  2 

When  the  first  volume  of  his  New  Hampshire  was  ready  for 
publication,  about  1783,  Belknap  tried  to  persuade  Mr.  Longman 
to  bring  it  out  in  England.  The  publisher  doubted  whether  the 
history  of  a  single  province  would  find  enough  English  readers  to 
make  a  London  edition  worth  while,  but  before  making  a  final 
decision  he  asked  Wentworth  for  his  opinion.  The  Governor  was 
obliged  to  discourage  the  idea  from  a  business  point  of  view,  but 
it  may  well  have  been  at  his  suggestion  that  the  publisher  agreed 
to  place  a  few  copies  on  sale  if  Belknap  printed  his  work  in  Amer- 
ica.3 If  the  historian  felt  any  injury  because  of  his  old  friend's 
advice  to  Mr.  Longman,  he  forgot  it  a  few  years  later  when  Went- 
worth presented  to  the  Massachusetts  Historical  Society  a  por- 
trait of  his  grandfather,  John  Wentworth,  who  was  the  lieuten- 
ant-governor of  New  Hampshire  about  1725.   He  also  gave  the 

1.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Sixth  Series,  iv,  47-54 
497-498;  also  Mrs.  Marcou's  Life  of  Jeremy  Belknap,  pp.  189-194. 

2.  See  the  "  advertisement "  in  the  second  volume  Jeremy  Belknap's  Ameri- 
can Biography. 

3.  Massachusetts  Historical  Society's  Collections,  Fifth  Series,  ii,  277-278- 


1 88  BENEDICTION 

Society  a  copy  of  Miller's  Synopsis  of  Fossils  and  Minerals  and  "a 
pamphlet  published  by  the  late  Prov.  of  N.  York  relative  to  their 
contests  with  N.  H.  for  Vermont."  Nothing  could  have  pleased 
Belknap  more  than  these  attentions  to  the  society  which  he  had 
brought  into  being. 

On  the  other  hand,  Belknap  was  useful  to  Wentworth,  espe- 
cially when  the  latter  was  created  a  baronet,  for  it  then  became 
necessary  for  him  to  prove  his  connection  with  the  English  family 
of  Wentworth  if  he  were  to  assume  their  heraldic  devices.  Belk- 
nap traced  his  American  genealogy  for  him  and  thus  aided  in 
establishing  his  claim,  which  was  ultimately  recognized  by  the 
King.  In  thanking  the  historian  for  his  researches,  the  Governor 
added,  "The  interest  your  friendship  kindly  takes  in  my  happi- 
ness justifies  me  in  mentioning  that,  in  the  honors  lately  con- 
ferred, an  addition  to  my  arms  was  granted,  signifying  ability 
and  fidelity  in  the  public  service.  These,  however,  merited  more 
by  honest  zeal  than  brilliant  execution,  are  a  pleasing  mark  of 
approbation  upon  principles  applicable  to  all  forms  of  govern- 
ment." l 

Although  Wentworth  himself  never  revisited  his  native  coun- 
try, he  did  so  by  proxy  in  1800,  when  his  son  made  an  extensive 
tour  of  the  United  States.  After  graduating  at  Oxford,  where  his 
college  was  Brasenose,  Charles-Mary  Wentworth  occupied  his 
time  for  a  year  or  two  as  private  secretary  to  Earl  Fitzwilliam. 
The  Earl  was  a  nephew  of  the  late  Marquis  of  Rockingham, 
whose  estates  he  had  inherited,  and  thus  it  came  about  that  the 
younger  Wentworth  in  his  twenties  came  to  feel  as  much  at  home 
at  Wentworth  House  as  had  Sir  John  at  the  same  age.  In  1798 
and  1799  Lady  Wentworth,  too,  was  a  frequent  guest  there. 
When  the  time  came  for  the  Governor's  wife  to  return  to  Nova 

1.  Mrs.  Marcou's  Life  of  Jeremy  Belknap,  pp.  201-202.  The  addition  placed 
two  keys  in  the  chevron  of  the  Wentworth  arms. 


BENEDICTION  189 

Scotia,  in  the  summer  of  1799,  she  was  accompanied  by  her  son, 
who  after  a  few  months  in  Halifax  determined  to  visit  the  United 
States. 

Dr.  Belknap  had  died  in  the  previous  year,  but  there  were 
many  other  friends  and  acquaintances  of  the  Governor  still  living 
in  and  about  Boston.  The  most  intimate  of  these  was  his  one- 
time private  secretary,  Thomas  Macdonogh,  who  was  now 
British  consul  for  the  district  of  New  England.  To  Boston,  there- 
fore, Charles-Mary  sailed  on  the  ninth  day  of  December,  1799, 
on  the  sloop  of  war  Fly.  Two  or  three  months  later  he  was  at 
Philadelphia,  where,  according  to  his  father,  he  was  "particu- 
larly distinguished  by  the  President,  and  those  in  the  depart- 
ments of  state  whose  society  and  countenance  are  most  honorable 
and  useful  to  a  traveler."  l  The  President,  who  was  none  other 
than  the  Governor's  old  friend  and  classmate,  John  Adams,  was 
approaching  the  stormiest  period  of  his  uncomfortable  adminis- 
tration, but  the  sight  of  Wentworth's  son  seems  to  have  evoked 
unusual  friendliness  from  his  New  England  heart.  He  spoke  of 
the  Governor  "in  the  kindest  terms,  said  it  was  impossible  for 
him  [Adams]  to  leave  his  country,"  but  exceedingly  wished  that 
the  elder  Wentworth  could  come  to  see  him  in  the  United  States.2 

This  was  not  the  first  time  since  the  Revolution  that  Adams 
had  expressed  his  friendship  for  Sir  John,  and  since  the  second 
president  is,  perhaps,  not  a  favorite  with  the  American  people,  it 
is  a  pleasure  to  repeat  Wentworth's  opinion  of  his  distinguished 
classmate.  He  wrote  to  Dr.  Belknap  in  1797: 

I  rejoice  in  and  am  proud  of  the  affectionate  remembrance  of  my 
old  friend,  the  highly  respected  President  of  the  United  States,  and 
with  perfect  sincerity  reciprocate  his  kind  expression;  for  it  is  certain 
"I  always  loved  John  Adams."    Our  youth  was  spent  in  confidence 

1.  John  Wentworth  to  Scroope  Bernard,  April  7,  1800;  at  Halifax. 
1.  John  Wentworth  to  John  King,  April  6,  1800;  at  Halifax. 


190  BENEDICTION 

and  intimacy,  which  discovered  to  me  so  many  virtues  and  such  pre- 
eminent abilities,  that  they  created  an  esteem  which  has  not  since 
been  estranged,  and  still  affords  me  many  hours  of  comforting  reflec- 
tion. Perhaps  no  man  can  entertain  a  more  exalted  opinion  of  our 
friend's  political  wisdom  than  I  do;  nor  is  it  impossible  that  it  may 
exceed  the  wisdom  of  those  you  designate  [the  crowned  heads  of 
Europe] :  the  most  of  them  I  really  believe  it  does.  In  that  description, 
however,  we  have  seldom  the  means  of  a  due  appreciation.  Their  wis- 
dom is  often  imputed  to  others,  and  the  reverse  in  its  defect,  redou- 
bling the  balance  against  their  reputation.  You  could  not  more  safely 
anticipate  my  concurrence,  than  in  the  sentiment  that  my  classmate 
is  the  most  perfect  choice  that  could  mark  the  good  sense  and  sound 
judgment  of  the  United  States.  Nor  are  my  best  wishes  wanting  for 
his  prosperous  and  long  administration:  therein,  I  verily  believe,  is  in- 
cluded the  greatest  good  that  can  be  wished  for  the  United  States  of 
America.1 

Charles-Mary's  travels  carried  him  as  far  south  as  Georgia, 
whence  he  returned  to  Halifax  in  November,  1800.  The  Gov- 
ernor now  outdid  Benning  Wentworth  himself  by  appointing  his 
own  son  a  member  of  the  Council  of  Nova  Scotia.2  In  fact,  family 
government  bade  fair  to  become  a  more  serious  ground  for  com- 
plaint against  Sir  John  here,  than  it  had  been  in  New  Hampshire, 
for  he  had  already  made  his  devoted  brother-in-law,  Benning, 
secretary  of  the  province,  a  member  of  the  Council,  and  master 
of  the  rolls  and  register  in  chancery.  Charles-Mary  did  not  re- 
main long  in  Nova  Scotia,  however;  in  1805  he  returned  to  Eng- 
land and  spent  the  rest  of  his  life  in  that  congenial  island,  which 
was  naturally  more  homelike  to  him  than  either  New  Hampshire 
or  Nova  Scotia. 

During  the  winter  of  1 807-1 808  shadows  began  to  fall  across 
the  path  of  John  Wentworth.  In  December  his  lady  was  danger- 
ously ill,  and  Sir  John  had  hardly  recovered  from  this  anxiety 

1.  Mrs.  Marcou's  Life  of  Jeremy  Belknap,  p.  202. 

2.  Nova  Scotia  Archives,  p.  570. 


BENEDICTION  191 

when  the  death  of  his  steadfast  cousin  and  brother-in-law,  Ben- 
ning  Wentworth,  occurred  in  February.  A  few  weeks  later  the 
Governor  was  greeted  by  Sir  George  Prevost,  who  informed  him 
that  he  had  been  appointed  lieutenant-governor  of  Nova  Scotia 
in  his  place,  and  confirmed  his  statement  by  showing  his  com- 
mission, dated  January  15,  1808.  The  manner  in  which  Went- 
worth learned  of  his  supersedure  was  indeed  unfortunate,  but  the 
British  government  cannot  be  blamed  for  thinking  that  the  inter- 
national situation  demanded  the  presence  of  a  military  man  in 
Nova  Scotia.  Sir  George  was  a  soldier  with  a  reputation,  whereas 
Wentworth  was  an  elderly  civilian  with  American  friends  and 
relatives.  If  the  United  States  were  ever  to  go  to  war  with  Eng- 
land, it  seemed  as  if  they  must  in  the  winter  of  1 807-1 808  as 
a  result  of  the  Chesapeake-Leopard  affair.  Downing  Street  little 
guessed  that  Jefferson  would  strangle  America's  commerce  rather 
than  fight  for  her  rights.  And  if  war  came,  the  provinces 
must  be  adequately  defended.  Hence  the  sudden  appointment 
of  Sir  George  Prevost  and  the  consequent  recall  of  Governor 
Wentworth. 

As  soon  as  he  could  reasonably  do  so,  Sir  John  withdrew  from 
Government  House  and  established  himself  and  his  family  at 
The  Lodge,1  where  he  and  Lady  Wentworth  resided  for  the  next 
year  and  a  half.  In  June  the  Assembly  adopted  an  address,  ex- 
pressing its  appreciation  of  the  benefits  which  his  administration 
of  sixteen  years  had  conferred  upon  Nova  Scotia.  "When  his 
Majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  appoint  you  to  this  govern- 
ment," it  declared,  "the  province  was  burthened  with  a  heavy 
debt,  its  credit  was  reduced,  its  revenues  unequal  to  its  expend- 
itures, and  its  progress  in  agriculture  greatly  impeded.  During 
your  administration,  sir,  we  have  seen  the  provincial  debt  dis- 
charged, large  sums  of  money  applied  for  public  purposes,  and 

1.  fVinslow  Papers,  p.  632. 


192  BENEDICTION 

the  agriculture,  commerce,  and  fisheries  of  the  province  greatly 
improved  and  extended."  '  Furthermore,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
home  government,  the  Assembly  granted  Wentworth  a  pension 
of  £500  per  annum  for  life,  to  which  Parliament  added  £600,  thus 
securing  an  honorable  retirement  for  their  faithful  servant. 

In  February,  18 10,  Sir  John  and  Lady  Wentworth  bade  fare- 
well to  their  Nova  Scotian  home  and  crossed  the  ocean  to  Eng- 
land, where  they  rejoiced  to  be  once  more  near  their  only  son.  Of 
their  adventures  on  the  deep  and  their  subsequent  anxieties  in 
London  her  Ladyship  wrote  a  good  account,  which  is  worth  quot- 
ing, if  only  because  it  gives  an  idea  of  her  vivacity,  which  at  sixty- 
five  was  the  same  as  it  had  been  at  sixteen. 

We  had  a  tremendous  voyage,  and  twice  the  ship  was  given  up.  The 
storm  was  terrible  for  three  days  and  nights  and  drowned  thirty-five 
chickens  we  brought  from  The  Lodge,  which  I  had  fed  from  the  shell, 
all  our  turkeys,  killed  our  cow,  milch  goat  and  pigs,  some  sheep,  and 
washed  a  man  overboard  whose  cries  were  dreadful.  No  one  could 
assist  him,  as  the  seas  ran  mountain  high,  when  it  was  decreed  by  the 
Almighty  that  a  great  returning  sea  should  return  him  on  deck  almost 
suffocated.  He  was  secured  and  attended  to,  and  the  next  day  at  his 
usual  duty.  The  ship  leaked  the  whole  way;  the  men  were  sick,  and 
we  had  a  short  complement.  A  woman,  whose  husband  was  weak, 
took  his  turn  at  the  pump,  which  was  always  going.  The  dead  lights 
were  knocked  off  several  times,  and  five  times  hogsheads  of  water 
burst  into  our  cabin.  We  lay  in  a  salt  water  bath  almost  all  the  way, 
but  thank  God,  we  arrived  safe  and  in  a  better  state  of  health  than  our 
fears. 

We  are  still  at  a  hotel  where  our  expenses  are  excessive.  Your  uncle 
and  cousin  have  wearied  themselves  in  search  of  a  house  which  is  still 
unsettled;  the  rents  are  terrible:  nothing  fit  for  us  under  four  hundred 
a  year,  and  everything  in  proportion.  I  don't  know  how  we  are  to  get 
on,  but  at  any  rate  with  rigid  economy. 

You  asked  after  the  game-cock.  When  he  was  molting  and  sick, 
Muffle  took  advantage  of  him  and  beat  him  most  cruelly,  picked  out 

1.  Murdoch's  History  of  Nova  Scotia,  iii,  282-283. 


BENEDICTION  193 

his  other  eye,  tore  off  one  spur  and  left  him  senseless.  I  nursed  him 
several  days  in  my  room;  but  he  used  to  crow  so  violently  at  the  first 
dawn  oflight,  that  it  was  impossible  to  endure  it;  and  I  committed  the 
poor  blind  veteran  to  the  kitchen  care,  where  he  survived  only  two 
days.  Muffle  then  became  Sultan;  and  when  we  came  away  we  gave 
him  to  the  commissioner.  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Gray  live  at  The  Lodge.  I 
felt  very  sorry  to  leave  it  when  the  moment  came,  but  I  am  now  so 
very  happy  in  being  with  your  cousin  that  I  forget  all  regrets  of  every 
sort.1 

In  spite  of  her  apparent  buoyancy  of  spirits  Lady  Wentworth 
was  never  in  good  health  for  any  length  of  time  after  leaving 
Nova  Scotia.  "There  is  to  be  a  court  on  the  30th,"  she  wrote  one 
day  in  April,  1812,  "but  I  shall  never  be  well  enough  to  attend 
a  court  again,  nor  have  the  inclination  at  present,  —  or  money  to 
buy  clothes,  if  I  had  everything  else."  The  sad  words  proved  to 
be  true,  for  in  the  following  February  she  passed  away  at  Sunning 
Hill,  a  watering-place  not  far  from  Windsor.  For  a  short  time 
after  her  decease  Sir  John  lingered  in  England  and  then  returned 
to  Nova  Scotia  to  spend  the  rest  of  his  days.  The  Lodge  was  now 
too  large  an  establishment  for  his  needs,  and  probably  for  his  in- 
come, and  he  was  content  to  make  his  home  in  the  town,  first 
with  his  sister-in-law,  Mrs.  Brinley,  and,  after  her  death,  with  a 
Mrs.  Fleigher.  In  her  house  he  died  on  the  eighth  day  of  April, 
1820,  being  then  in  his  eighty-third  year.  His  remains  were 
buried  under  St.  Paul's  Church,  where  there  is  a  tablet,  bearing 
the  following  inscription : 

In  memory  of  Sir  John  Wentworth,  Baronet,  who  administered  the 
Government  of  this  Province  for  nearly  sixteen  years,  from  May,  1792, 
to  April,  1808.  With  what  success  the  public  records  of  that  period, 
and  his  Majesty's  gracious  approbation  will  best  testify.  His  un- 
shaken attachment  to  his  Sovereign  and  the  British  constitution  was 
conspicuous  throughout  his  long  life. 

1.  Lady  Wentworth  to  Samuel Henry  JVentworth,M.a.rc\\  1, 1 8 10;  a  manuscript 
copy  is  in  the  possession  of  Moses  J.  Wentworth,  Esq.,  of  Chicago. 


194  BENEDICTION 

The  same  year  witnessed  also  the  death  of  two  of  the  Gov- 
ernor's friends,  and  the  destruction  of  his  beloved  house  at  Wolfe- 
borough.  One  of  these  friends  was  Dr.  Cutter,  who,  after  a  long 
and  honorable  career  as  a  physician  in  Portsmouth,  was  gathered 
to  his  fathers  at  the  age  of  eighty-five  years.  The  other  was  the 
Duke  of  Kent,  who  died  suddenly  in  England.  The  burning  of 
Wentworth  House  occurred  on  the  morning  of  September  12, 
1820.  The  fire  started  on  the  roof  and  spread  with  astonishing 
rapidity  in  spite  of  the  exertions  of  the  neighbors  to  extinguish  it. 
In  about  three  hours  nothing  of  the  celebrated  mansion  remained 
except  a  heap  of  embers.1 

When  one  considers  the  benefits  which  John  Wentworth  con- 
ferred upon  New  Hampshire,  and  the  hold  which  he  had  upon  the 
imagination  and  affections  of  his  contemporaries,  it  is  surprising 
that  no  town  or  county,  mountain  or  river  in  the  state  has  been 
named  in  his  honor.  In  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century 
President  Dwight  of  Yale  College,  who  was  an  open  admirer  of 
the  last  royal  governor,  endeavored  to  rechristen  Lake  Winni- 
pesaukee  by  calling  it  Wentworth;  but  the  Indian  name  was 
apparently  too  deeply  rooted  in  the  hearts  of  the  country  people 
to  be  supplanted  by  the  whim  of  the  traveler.  Neither  was  he 
successful  in  attaching  the  Governor's  name  to  the  noble  summit 
which  we  call  Lafayette,  although  the  mountain  had  no  estab- 
lished appellation  at  that  time.2  Smith's  Pond,  which  bordered 
the  farm  at  Wolfeborough,  has,  however,  come  to  be  known  as 
Lake  Wentworth,  its  new  name  being  both  appropriate  and  eu- 
phonious. Governor's  Island,  toward  the  northern  end  of  Winni- 
pesaukee,  preserves  the  memory,  if  not  the  cognomen,  of  its  early 

1.  New  Hampshire  Gazette,  September  26,  1820;  for  an  account  of  the  con- 
flagration by  one  who  witnessed  it,  see  Granite  Monthly,  v,  194. 

2.  Timothy  Dwight's  Travels  in  New  England  and  New  York  (New  Haven, 
1821-22),  ii,  296;  iv,  164. 


BENEDICTION 


195 


owner;  and  for  nearly  a  century  Wentworth  Hall  at  Hanover  has 
done  its  best  to  remind  the  fleeting  college  generations  of  one  to 
whose  zealous  efforts  the  existence  of  their  alma  mater  is  largely 
due. 

Whether  or  not  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  have  appre- 
ciated the  fact,  their  commonwealth,  both  as  province  and  as 
state,  has  never  had  a  more  loyal  friend  than  John  Wentworth, 
who,  within  fifteen  years  of  the  day  when  his  person  was  pro- 
cribed  and  his  property  confiscated,  gave  it  his  benediction  in 
these  words: 

I  do  most  cordially  wish  the  most  extensive,  great,  and  permanent 
blessings  to  the  United  States,  and  of  course  rejoice  at  the  establish- 
ment of  their  federal  Constitution  as  a  probable  means  of  their  happi- 
ness. If  there  is  anything  partial  in  my  heart  in  this  case,  it  is  that 
New  Hampshire,  my  native  country,  may  arise  to  be  among  the  most 
brilliant  members  of  the  Confederation;  as  it  was  my  zealous  wish, 
ambition,  and  unremitted  endeavor  to  have  led  her  to,  among  the 
provinces,  while  under  my  administration.  For  this  object  nothing 
appeared  to  me  too  much.  My  whole  heart  and  fortune  were  devoted 
to  it. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


Aberdeen  University,  24. 

Acadians,  Wentworth's  kindness  to- 
wards, 175-176. 

Adams,  John,  at  Harvard  College,  9; 
his  opinion  of  Portsmouth,  61 ;  his 
aversion  for  Paul  Wentworth,  166; 
meets  Wentworth  in  Paris  and  at 
Passy,  166-167;  his  attention  to 
Charles-Mary  Wentworth,  189; 
Wentworth's  appreciation  of,  189— 
190. 

Adams,  the  Rev.  Joseph,  61. 

Albany,  N.  Y.,  106. 

Atkinson,  Theodore,  79,  note. 

Atkinson,  Theodore,  Jr.,  death  of,  69; 
funeral  of,  70. 

Atkinson,  Mrs.  Theodore,  Jr.  See 
Frances  Wentworth. 

Austin,  Nicholas,  138-139. 

Barkley,  Capt.,  of  the  Scarborough, 
seizes  provision  ships,  150;  im- 
presses American  fishermen,  151- 
152;  his  agreement  with  the  people 
of  Portsmouth,  158;  his  difficulties 
with  the  townspeople,  159-160; 
obliges  Wentworth  to  leave  New 
Hampshire,  160-161. 

Bayard,  William,  Wentworth  visits, 
27-28. 

Beaujolie,  the  Count  of,  184. 

Beaver,  the  sloop  of  war,  52. 

Belknap,  Jeremy,  defends  Went- 
worth's administration,  80;  his 
friendship  with  Wentworth,  186; 
aided  by  Wentworth  in  his  histori- 
cal writings,  186-187;  traces  Went- 
worth's genealogy,  188;  death  of, 
189. 

Bellew,  Capt.  Henry,  71. 

Bishop  of  London,  head  of  the  Epis- 
copal Church  in  America,  104; 
proposed  as  trustee  of  Dartmouth 
College,  1 09- 1 10. 


Boston,  contributions  for  the  relief 
of,  137-138;  conditions  in  during 
the  siege,  162;  evacuated  by  the 
British,  163. 

Boston  Massacre,  effect  of  in  New 
Hampshire,  131. 

Boston  Port  Act,  136-137. 

Brackett,  Dr.  Joshua,  168,  note. 

Bretton  Hall,  Yorkshire,  82. 

Bretton  Woods,  N.  H.,  named  in 
honor  of  Sir  Thomas  Wentworth, 
82,  note. 

Brinley,  Mrs.,  193. 

Brookfield,  N.  H.  See  Middleton, 
N.H. 

Browne,  the  Rev.  Arthur,  minister  of 
Queen's  Chapel,  62,  101. 

Browne,  William,  9. 

Brunswick,  Maine,  trespassers  upon 
the  King's  woods  near,  52;  Went- 
worth goes  to,  52-54. 

Byrd,  William,  Wentworth  visits,  26- 
27. 

Byrd,  Mrs.  William,  27. 

Cabot,  Andrew,  170. 

Cabot,  John,  170. 

Canal,  the  Shubenacadie,  advocated 
by  Wentworth,  178. 

Canceaux,  the,  144. 

Caner,  the  Rev.  Dr.,  163. 

Carleton,  Sir  Guy,  governor  of  Que- 
bec, Livius's  dispute  with,  85; 
resignation  of,  183-184. 

Carpenters,  the  incident  of  the,  137— 

139- 
Castle,  the.     See  Fort  William  and 

Mary. 
Charlotte,  Queen,  185. 
Chatsworth,  27. 
Cheshire,  County  of,  37. 
Church  of  England,  at  Portsmouth, 

61-62;  the  original  church  in  New 

Hampshire,   101-103;    its  growth 


200 


INDEX 


at  Portsmouth,  103-104;  condition 
of  in  New  Hampshire,  110-112; 
Wentworth's  plan  for  promoting, 
110-113;  in  the  Connecticut  Val- 
ley, 116;  and  King's  College,  178— 
179. 

Claremont,  N.  H.,  116. 

Coal,  imported  from  Cape  Breton, 
65. 

Cochran,  Capt.  John,  delivers  Went- 
worth's orders  to  the  Grosvenor, 
133;  warned  of  attack  on  Castle, 
141;  his  behavior  during  the  first 
attack,  142;  with  Wentworth  in 
the  Castle,  157. 

Cohoss,  the  lower,  the  fertility  of,  87; 
why  chosen  as  site  for  Dartmouth 
College,  107. 

Concord,  Mass.,  the  fight  at,  effect  of 
in  New  Hampshire,  149. 

Congress,  the  Continental,  New 
Hampshire  sends  delegates  to,  135- 
136;  measures  advocated  by,  136; 
recommends  confiscation  of  Loyal- 
ist property,  168. 

Copley,  John  Singleton,  his  portraits 
of  Wentworth,  67-68,  69,  note;  his 
portrait  of  Mrs.  Atkinson,  69-70. 

Cossitt,  Ranna,  116. 

Cotton  Mountain,  88,  note  I. 

Counties,  New  Hampshire  divided 
into,  35-37;  origin  of  names  of,  37- 

Cusk,  in  Winnipesaukee,  95. 

Cutter,  Ammi  Ruhammah,  at  Har- 
vard College,  9-1 1;  a  proprietor  of 
Wolfeborough,  13,  88;  attends 
first  Commencement  at  Dartmouth 
College,  114;   death  of,  194. 

Cutter's  Hill,  now  Cotton  Mountain, 
88,  note  1. 

Cutts,  Samuel,  141. 

Dalton,  Tristram,  10. 

Dartmouth,  the  Earl  of,  Colonial  Sec- 
retary, 80;  promotes  Peter  Livius, 
84-85;  aids  Wheelock's  Indian 
school,  105;    trustee  of  the  Indian 


school,  106;  Dartmouth  College 
named  in  honor  of,  no;  asks  gov- 
ernors to  prevent  importation  of 
munitions,  140. 

Dartmouth  College,  sun-dial  at,  44, 
note;  charter  of,  107-1 10;  origin 
of  name  of,  no;  monopoly  granted 
to,  113;  first  Commencement  at, 
114;  Bostonian  hostility  toward, 
116;  Wentworth's  designs  upon, 
116;  confers  degree  upon  Went- 
worth, 117;  names  hall  in  honor  of 
Wentworth,  195. 

Deane  family,  prosecuted  for  tres- 
passing on  the  King's  woods,  56-60. 

Deering,  N.  H.,  71. 

Deserters  from  the  British  army, 
teach  trades  to  Americans,  126; 
discouraged  by  B.  Thompson,  148. 

Dorchester,  Lord.  See  Sir  Guy 
Carleton. 

Dorchester,  N.  H.,  Wentworth  a  pro- 
prietor in,  87. 

Drew,  John,  98. 

Duane,  James,  lawyer  of  New  York, 

57-58- 
Dunbar,  David,  50. 
Dundas,  Henry,  174. 
Dwight,  Timothy,  194. 

Emerson,  Mr.,  at  Hollis,  71. 

Episcopalianism.  See  Church  of 
England. 

Exeter,  N.  H.,  founded  by  Wheel- 
wright, 3;  becomes  center  of  dis- 
affection, 131 ;  first  revolutionary 
convention  at,  135;  second  revolu- 
tionary convention  at,  147;  Pro- 
vincial Congress  meets  at,  149; 
Wentworth's  personal  property  sold 
at,  168. 

Exeter  Combination,  the,  3. 

Falcon,  the,  157. 

Fenton,  Col.  John,  prevents  destruc- 
tion of  tea,  134;  representative 
from  Plymouth,  N.H.,  153;  sketch 
of  his  career,  153-154;  his  letter  to 


INDEX 


201 


the  people  of  Grafton  County,  155; 
unseated  by  the  Assembly,  152, 
155;  captured  and  sent  to  Exeter, 
156. 

Fenton,  Mrs.  John.  See  Elizabeth 
Temple. 

Fisher,  John,  63. 

Fitch,  Samuel,  73. 

Fitzwilliam,  Earl,  188. 

Flax,  grown  in  New  Hampshire,  23- 

Fleigher,  Mrs.,  193. 

Fly,  the  sloop  of  war,  189. 

Flynt,  Mr.,  tutor  at  Harvard  College, 
assaulted,  II. 

Folsom,  Col.  Nathaniel,  delegate  to 
the  Continental  Congress,  135;  his 
share  in  the  attack  on  the  Castle, 
144;  loses  commission  in  the 
militia,  147. 

Fort  William  and  Mary,  description 
of,  44-45;  the  first  attack  upon, 
141-142;  second  attack  upon,  144; 
Wentworth  takes  refuge  in,  1 56— 
157;  wrecked  by  Americans,  161. 

Francestown,  N.  H.,  71. 

Franklin,  Benjamin,  167. 

French  Canadians.     See  Acadians. 

Friar  Lawrence's  Cell,  built  by 
Wentworth,  173;  occupied  and 
developed  by  Prince  Edward,  183. 
See  also  Prince's  Lodge. 

Gage,  General  Thomas,  asks  for  New 
Hampshire  carpenters,  137-138; 
declines  to  send  troops  to  Ports- 
mouth, 146;  increases  Went- 
worth's  difficulties,  149-150. 

Gamble,  Capt.,  146. 

George  III,  his  opinion  of  Paul 
Wentworth,  165. 

Gibson,  Richard,  102-103. 

Gilman,  Col.  Peter,  appointed  to  the 
Council,  131. 

Gilman,  Capt.  Samuel,  169. 

Gosport,  N.  H.,  162. 

Governor's  Island,  194. 

Grafton,  County  of,  38. 

Grafton,  the  Duke  of,  38. 


Graves,  Admiral  Thomas,  sends 
ships  to  Portsmouth,  144;  orders 
seizure  of  provision  ships,  150- 
151;  sends  the  Falcon  to  Ports- 
mouth, 157;  does  not  aid  Went- 
worth to  return  to  New  Hamp- 
shire, 162. 

Gray,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  193. 

Grosvenor,  the  mast-ship,  133. 

Halifax,  N.  S.,  tea  shipped  from 
Portsmouth  to,  134;  description  of 
in  1783, 172;  fortifications  repaired 
at,  180-181;  social  life  at,  172,  181 
-183. 

Hanover,  N.  H.,  road  from  Wolfe- 
borough  to,  42;  chosen  as  site 
for  Dartmouth  College,  107;  B. 
Wentworth's  land  in,  100;  first 
Commencement  at,  114. 

Hart,  Benjamin,  overseer  at  Went- 
worth House,  89;  supervises  con- 
struction of  road,  98. 

Hartley,  David,  167. 

Hartshorne,  Mr.,  184. 

Harvard  College,  John  Wentworth 
enters,  8;  life  at,  in  the  eighteenth 
century,  8-12;  the  Class  of  1755, 
9-10. 

Haven,  Dr.,  80. 

Haverhill,  N.  H.,  107. 

Heard  house,  the  Indian  attack  upon 
the,  4. 

Hemenway,  Moses,  10. 

Hillsborough,  County  of,  37. 

Hillsborough,  the  Earl  of,  Colonial 
Secretary,  37. 

Hilton,  Martha,  marries  Benning 
Wentworth,  5-6;  marries  Col. 
Michael  Wentworth,  65,  73;  sole 
heir  to  B.  Wentworth's  estate,  73; 
naturally   hostile   to   Wentworth, 

75- 
Holderness,  N.  H.,  96. 
Holland,  Capt.  Samuel,  makes  map 

of  New  Hampshire,  43-44;    gives 

sun-dial  to  Dartmouth  College,  44, 

note. 


202 


INDEX 


Hood,  Commodore  Samuel,  cooper- 
ates with  Wentworth,  52. 

Hope,  the,  161. 

Howe,  General  William,  succeeds 
Gage,  163;   takes  New  York,  164. 

Hussar,  the  frigate,  174. 

Hutchinson,    Thomas,    his    house 
wrecked  by  a  mob,  18. 

Indians,  Wentworth's   kindness   to- 
wards, 176. 
Isles  of  Shoals,  161-162. 

Jaffrey,  George,  79,  note. 
Jerry's  Point,  151. 
Julius  Caesar,  the,  163. 

Kent,  the  Duke  of.  See  Prince 
Edward. 

King's  College,  charter  issued  to,  178; 
religious  question  at,  179;  T. 
Moore  visits,  185. 

King's  woods,  surveyor  general  of 
the,  Wentworth  appointed,  24; 
duties  of,  48;  salary  of,  49,  99, 173; 
unpopularity  of  the  office,  49-50; 
Wentworth's  administration  as, 
51-60;  duties  of,  after  the  Revolu- 
tion, 172-173. 

Kingswood,  13. 

Laconia  Company,  the,  101-102. 

Lafayette,  Mt.,  194. 

Landaff,  N.  H.,  proposed  as  site  for 
Dartmouth  College,  107;  granted 
to  the  College,  no. 

Land-tenure,  in  New  Hampshire,  40. 

Langdon,  John,  his  attitude  towards 
Wentworth,  75-76;  elected  to  the 
Continental  Congress,  147;  makes 
money  during  the  war,  164. 

Langdon,  Dr.  Samuel,  80. 

Langdon,  Woodbury,  his  attitude 
towards  Wentworth,  75-76;  sus- 
pected by  Wentworth,  78;  invited 
to  Wentworth  House,  94;  a  friend 
of  Livius,  139;  leader  of  the  oppo- 
sition, 139;  and  Wentworth  House, 
169-170. 


Langdon,  Mrs.  Woodbury,  letter 
from  Mrs.  Wentworth  to,  92-94. 

Lee,  Arthur,  his  estimate  of  Paul 
Wentworth,  165-166. 

Lexington,  Mass.,  fight  at,  effect  of 
in  New  Hampshire,  149. 

Liberty,  the  sloop,  121. 

Linen,  manufactured  in  New  Hamp- 
shire, 23- 

Livermore,  Samuel,  attorney  general 
of  New  Hampshire,  his  part  in  the 
Livius  affair,  78;  his  seat  at  Hol- 
derness,  96. 

Livius,  Peter,  early  career  of,  74; 
opposes  Wentworth  in  the  Coun- 
cil, 74-75;  creates  a  party  hostile 
to  Wentworth,  75-76;  carries  his 
grievances  to  England,  76-77;  is 
sustained  by  the  Board  of  Trade, 
81;  his  charges  refuted  by  the 
Privy  Council,  84;  promoted  to 
chief-justiceship  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, 84-85;  transferred  to  Que- 
bec, 85;  his  subsequent  history, 
85;  Wentworth  gives  dog  to,  94; 
his  seat  at  Tuftonborough,  96;  his 
adherents  annoy  Wentworth,  139. 

Livius,  Mrs.  Peter.  See  Anna  Eliza- 
beth Mason. 

Locke,  Samuel,  10. 

Londonderry,  N.  H.,  linen  manufac- 
tured in,  23i  congratulates  Went- 
worth, 85. 

Longfellow,  H.  W.,  his  Tales  of  a 
Wayside  Inn,  5-6. 

Longman,  Mr.,  187. 

Loring,  Mrs.  Joshua,  Jr.,  at  Wolfe- 
borough,  92-93. 

Louis  Philippe,  Duke  of  Orleans, 
visits  Halifax,  184-185. 

Loyalists,  flee  from  Boston,  163-164; 
their  property  confiscated  in  New 
Hampshire,  168-169;  settle  in 
Nova  Scotia,  172. 

Lyme,  N.  H.,  Wentworth  a  proprie- 
tor in,  87;  its  right  of  representa- 
tion disputed,  152. 


INDEX 


203 


Macdonogh,  Thomas,  his  services  in 
the  Livius  affair,  80-83,  stands  by 
Wentworth,  142;  accompanies 
Wentworth  to  the  Isles  of  Shoals, 
161-162;  on  Long  Island,  164; 
British  consul  at  Boston,  189. 

Manufacturing,  stimulated  by  non- 
importation, 126;  Exeter  votes 
encouragement  of,  131. 

Map,  the  Holland,  of  New  Hamp- 
shire, 43-44- 

March,  Paul,  88. 

Mason,  Anna  Elizabeth,  wife  of 
Peter  Livius,  74;  at  Wentworth 
House,  92. 

Mason,  Capt.  John,  founds  New 
Hampshire,  101-102. 

Mason,  John  Tufton,  7;  father-in- 
law  of  Peter  Livius,  74. 

"Masonian  Proprietors,"  the,  7. 

Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
Wentworth's  gifts  to,  187-188. 

Masts,  conservation  of  timber  fit  for, 
47-48. 

Mayhew,  Mr.,  tutor  at  Harvard 
College,  8. 

Micmacs.     See  Indians. 

Middleton,  N.  H.,  Wentworth  builds 
good  road  through,  97-98. 

Militia,  in  New  Hampshire,  45-46;  in 
Nova  Scotia,  179-181. 

Montpensier,  the  Duke  of,  184. 

Moore,  Thomas,  185. 

Moose  Mountain,  94. 

Morris,  Judge,  58. 

Morton,  Sarah,  91,  note  2. 

Murray,  William,  Solicitor  General, 
78. 

Negroes,  in  Portsmouth,  34;  in 
Nova  Scotia,  175. 

Newcastle,  the  Duke  of,  49. 

New  Hampshire,  not  represented  at 
Stamp  Act  Congress,  17;  popula- 
tion of,  31;  description  of,  in  1767, 
31-33;  manufacturing  in,  34; 
divided  into  counties,  35-37;  its 
need  of  good  roads,  38-39;    land- 


tenure  in,  40;  the  Holland  Map  of, 
43-44;  militia  of,  45-46;  advan- 
tages of  living  in,  96,  99;  founded 
by  Mason  and  Gorges,  101-102; 
religious  cleavage  in,  103-104; 
religious  situation  in,  III;  its 
loyalty  to  the  empire,  119;  aloof 
from  the  other  colonies,  124-125; 
the  temper  of,  128;  sends  delegates 
to  Continental  Congress,  135; 
raises  three  regiments,  149;  re- 
ported tired  of  the  war,  164;  adopts 
a  constitution,  167;  proscribes 
certain  Loyalists,  168;  confiscates 
Loyalist  estates,  168-169;  never 
revisited  by  Wentworth,  186; 
receives  Wentworth's  blessing,  195. 

New  Hampshire  Grants,  the,  21-23. 

North,  Lord,  Chancellor  of  the  Ex- 
chequer, 129;  his  opinion  of  Paul 
Wentworth,  165. 

North  Carolina,  timber  of,  26. 

Nova  Scotia,  Loyalists  settle  in,  172; 
the  government  of,  174;  character 
of,  175;  internal  improvements  in, 
177-178;  militia  of,  179-181; 
benefits  resulting  from  Went- 
worth's administration,  191-192. 

Occom,  Samson,   in   England,   105- 

106. 
Orford,   N.  H.,   a   possible    site   for 

Dartmouth  College,  107;   its  right 

of  representation  disputed,  152. 
Orleans,   the   Duke  of.     See   Louis 

Philippe. 
Oxford    University,    confers    degree 

upon  Wentworth,  24. 

Parr,  John,  174. 

Peirce,  Daniel,  79,  note. 

Pheasants,  at  Wolfeborough,  95. 

Pictou,  N.  S.,  177-178. 

Pine   trees,  conservation   of  in   the 

colonies,  47-48;  size  of,  56;  location 

of  the  best,  56. 
Pleasant  Valley,  land  granted  in,  88, 

note  2. 


204 


INDEX 


Plymouth,  N.  H.,  its  right  of  repre- 
sentation disputed,  152-153;  Col. 
Fenton's  seat  at,  154. 

Point  Breeze,  granted  to  Thomas 
Wentworth,  88,  note  2. 

Portraits,  of  Wentworth,  67-68,  69, 
note;   of  Mrs.  Atkinson,  69-70. 

Portsmouth,  N.  H.,  its  friendship 
for  Harvard  College,  8;  population 
of,  34;  character  of,  35;  handi- 
capped commercially,  38-39;  John 
Adams's  opinion  of,  61;  society  of, 
61-62;  celebrates  the  acquittal  of 
Wentworth,  85;  declines  to  adopt 
non-importation  policy,  125,  131; 
first  violence  at,  132;  declares 
against  East  India  tea,  133;  es- 
capes a  tea  party,  133-134;  votes 
money  for  Boston  poor,  137;  pro- 
tests against  seizure  of  provision 
ships,  150;  discountenances  snip- 
ing, 151 ;  its  relations  with  Capt. 
Barkley,  158-160. 

Prevost,  Sir  George,  191. 

Prince  Edward,  H.  R.  H.,  arrives  in 
Nova  Scotia,  182;  character  of, 
183;  military  commander  of  Nova 
Scotia,  183;  hopes  to  succeed 
Dorchester,  183-184;  star  pre- 
sented to,  184;  returns  to  England, 
184;  entertains  Louis  Philippe, 
184;  death  of,  194. 

Prince's  Lodge,  occupied  by  Prince 
Edward,  183,  184. 

Princeton  College,  confers  degree 
upon  Wentworth,  24. 

Quitrents,  in  New  Hampshire,  40; 
proceeds  of  devoted  to  road- 
building,  41. 

Randolph,    Col.    Peter,   Wentworth 

visits,  27. 
Representation,    right    of,    in    New 

Hampshire,  1 52-153. 
Resolution,  the  brigantine,  132. 
Resource,  the  schooner,  163. 


Revere,  Paul,  carries  news  to  Ports- 
mouth, 139. 

Rhode  Island,  safeguards  its  military 
supplies,  140. 

Rindge,  N.  H.,  71. 

Rindge,  Daniel,  79,  note. 

Rindge,  Elizabeth,  mother  of  the 
Governor,  8. 

Rindge,  Jotham,  96. 

Rindge,  Mrs.  Jotham,  94. 

Ripley,  Silvanus,  graduates  from 
Dartmouth  College,  114;  offered 
assistantship  at  King's  Chapel, 
115-116. 

Roads,  New  Hampshire's  need  of, 
38-39;  construction  of,  urged  by 
Wentworth,  38-41;  method  of 
constructing,  41-42;  four  high- 
ways promoted  by  Wentworth, 
42-43;  improved  through  Middle- 
ton,  96-98;  built  in  Nova  Scotia, 
177-178. 

Rochester,  N.  H.,  committee  of  cor- 
respondence, 139. 

Rockingham,  County  of,  38. 

Rockingham,  the  Marquis  of,  a  friend 
of  Wentworth,  15;  his  country- 
seat,  16;  favors  repeal  of  the 
Stamp  Act,  19;  allows  Benning 
Wentworth  to  resign,  23;  county 
named  in  honor  of,  38;  Wentworth 
presents  portrait  to,  68;  Charles- 
Mary  named  in  honor  of,  72;  his 
position  in  the  Livius  affair,  81; 
his  attentions  to  the  Wentworths 
in  exile,  165,  167;  again  Prime 
Minister,  171 ;  death  of,  171. 

Rogers,  Daniel,  79,  note. 

Rumford,  Count.  See  Benjamin 
Thompson. 

Ryder,  Sir  Dudley,  Attorney  General, 
78. 

Scarborough,  the,  sent  to  Portsmouth, 
144;  seizes  provision  ships,  150; 
one  of  her  boats  attacked,  151 ; 
sails  for  Boston,  161. 


INDEX 


205 


Sewall,  David,  at  Harvard  College, 
9-10;  a  proprietor  of  Wolfebor- 
ough,  13. 

Sharpe,  Governor,  27. 

Smith's  Pond,  Wentworth  buys  land 
near,  89;  now  called  Lake  Went- 
worth, 194. 

Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel, 
its  activities,  11 2-1 13;  survey  of 
the  Connecticut  Valley  made  for, 
116. 

Soldiers,  British,  sent  to  Boston,  126. 

Stamp  Act,  its  effect  in  the  colonies, 
17-18;  Wentworth's  attitude 
towards,  19-20;  its  repeal,  20; 
colonists'  attitude  towards,  57, 
note. 

Stavers'  tavern,  93. 

Strafford,  County  of,  37. 

Strafford,  the  Earl  of,  portrait  of,  16; 
county  named  in  honor  of,  37-38. 

Sullivan,  Major  John,  delegate  to 
the  Continental  Congress,  135; 
leads  second  attack  on  the  Castle, 
143-144;  loses  commission  in  the 
militia,  147;  reelected  to  the 
Congress,  147. 

Sunning  Hill,  193. 

Tea,  importation  of  taxed,  120,  129; 
Exeter  votes  non-consumption  of, 
131;  Portsmouth  declares  against 
East  India  tea,  133;  landed  at 
Portsmouth,  133-134. 

Temple,  Elizabeth,  153. 

Temple,  John,  lieutenant-governor  of 
New  Hampshire,  153. 

Temple,  Robert,  of  Ten  Hills  Farm, 

IS3-. 

Thomlinson,  John,  New  Hampshire 
agent  at  London,  18. 

Thompson,  Benjamin,  friend  of 
Wentworth,  95;  flees  from  Con- 
cord, 148;  discourages  deserters, 
148. 

Townshend  Acts,  the,  120;  repealed, 
except  the  tax  on  tea,  129. 


Trecothick,  Barlow,  New  Hampshire 
agent  at  London,  18;  favors  repeal 
of  the  Stamp  Act,  19;  activity  in 
the  Livius  affair,  80-81. 

Warner,  Daniel,  79,  note. 

Warner,  Jonathan,  79,  note. 

Webb,  William,  89. 

Weehawken,  27. 

Wells,  Judge,  of  Brattleborough,  58- 

59- 

Wentworth,  Benning,  uncle  of  the 
Governor,  appointed  governor  of 
New  Hampshire,  5;  his  marriage 
with  Martha  Hilton,  5-6;  a  gradu- 
ate of  Harvard  College,  8;  his 
career  as  governor,  20-23;  n's 
resignation,  24;  his  administration 
of  the  King's  woods,  49-50;  death 
of,  73;  his  will,  73;  lands  granted 
to  himself  canceled  by  Wentworth, 
73-74;  prevents  founding  of  a 
college,  104;  encourages  Wheel- 
ock,  105;  gives  land  to  Dartmouth 
College,  no;  his  zeal  for  the 
Church  of  England,  104,  112;  his 
contest  with  the  Assembly  regard- 
ing right  of  representation,  153. 

Wentworth,  Mrs.  Benning.  See 
Martha  Hilton. 

Wentworth,  Benning,  brother-in-law 
of  the  Governor,  stands  by  him, 
142;  in  the  Castle,  157;  on  Long 
Island,  164;  appointed  member  of 
the  Council,  etc.,  190;  death  of, 
191. 

Wentworth,  Charles-Mary,  birth  and 
baptism  of,  72;  goes  to  England, 
163;  attention  paid  to  by  the 
Marquis  of  Rockingham,  165;  at 
Westminster  School,  173;  presents 
star  to  Prince  Edward,  184;  sec- 
retary to  Earl  Fitzwilliam,  188; 
tours  the  United  States,  1 88-190; 
meets  President  Adams,  189;  ap- 
pointed member  of  the  Council, 
etc.,  190;  returns  to  England,  190. 


206 


INDEX 


Wentworth,  Frances,  wife  of  the 
Governor,  her  beauty,  69;  Cop- 
ley's portrait  of,  69-70;  wife  of 
T.  Atkinson,  Jr.,  69-70;  marries 
Wentworth,  70;  Francestown 
named  in  honor  of,  71;  son  born 
to,  72;  her  dignity  during  the 
Livius  affair,  83;  her  life  at  Wolfe- 
borough,  92-94;  goes  to  England, 
163;  in  England  during  the  war, 
165;  goes  to  Nova  Scotia,  173;  re- 
visits England  in  1791,  173;  enter- 
tains at  Government  House,  181— 
182;  appointed  lady  in  waiting  by 
Queen  Charlotte,  185;  her  voyage 
to  England  in  1810,  192;  her  ill- 
ness and  death,  193. 
Wentworth,  Hunking,  uncle  of  the 

Governor,  139. 
Wentworth,  John,  grandfather  of  the 
Governor,  appointed  lieutenant- 
governor  of  New  Hampshire,  4; 
character  and  administration  of, 
5;  portrait  of  presented  to  the 
Massachusetts  Historical  Society, 
187. 
Wentworth  John,  governor  of  New 
Hampshire,  birth  of,  7;  his  parent- 
age, 7-8;  at  Harvard  College,  8- 
12;  a  proprietor  of  Wolfeborough, 
13-14;  goes  to  England,  14;  his 
intimacy  with  the  Marquis  of 
Rockingham,  15-17;  appointed 
agent  of  New  Hampshire  at  Lon- 
don, 18;  opinion  of  the  Stamp 
Act,  19-20;  intercedes  for  Benning 
Wentworth,  23;  appointed  gover- 
nor of  New  Hampshire  and  sur- 
veyor general  of  the  King's  woods, 
24;  his  honorary  degrees,  24;  re- 
turns to  America,  25;  on  the  tim- 
ber of  the  South,  26;  his  journey 
from  Charleston  to  Portsmouth, 
26-29;  inauguration  of,  29;  names 
five  counties,  37-38;  promotes 
road-construction,  38-43;  collects 
quitrents,  40-41 ;  urges  survey  of 
province,  43;   encourages  military 


preparedness,    44-46;        goes    to 
Brunswick,  Me.,  52-54;    his  other 
expeditions  into  the  King's  woods, 
54-56;  prosecutes  the  Deanes,  56- 
60;   attempts  to  oust  Judge  Wells, 
58-59;  his  tact  as  surveyor  general, 
60;     his  use  of  display,  62;     his 
residence   in   Portsmouth,   63-64; 
his  housekeeping  problems,  65-66; 
his  horses  and  carriages,  67;    por- 
traits of,  67-68,  69,  note;   marries 
Mrs.  Atkinson,  70;     his  nephews 
and    nieces,    71-72;       becomes    a 
father,  72;      disappointed   by   B. 
Wentworth's    will,    73;       cancels 
grants  of  land  made  by  B.  Went- 
worth, 73-74;  Livius's  indictment 
of,   76-77;      his    defense,   78-79; 
sends  Macdonogh  to  England,  80; 
the  Board  of  Trade  condemns,  81; 
the   Privy    Council   sustains,    84; 
ball  in  honor  of,  85;  congratulated 
by  the  town  of  Londonderry,  N.  H., 
85;      his  desire  to   reside  in  the 
country,  87,  89;  builds  Wentworth 
House,  89-91;    his  life  at  Wolfe- 
borough,  92-95;  his  love  of  natural 
history,  95;   gives  land  to  settlers, 
96;    causes  good  road  to  be  built 
through   Middleton,   96-98;      his 
income  and  manner  of  living,  99- 
100;  encourages  Wheelock  and  his 
Indian  school,  105;     offers  town- 
ship for  Wheelock's  school,  106- 
107;  grants  charter  to  Dartmouth 
College,  107-110;  grants  township 
to  the  College,  no;  his  zeal  for  the 
Church  of  England,  110-113,  116; 
attends  Commencement  at  Dart- 
mouth College,  114;     his  offer  to 
Ripley,  114-116;  his  designs  upon 
the  College,  116;    receives  degree 
from    Dartmouth,    117;    laments 
methods  of  enforcing  imperial  legis- 
lation, 120-122;  his  administrative 
policy,  122-124;  decries  sending  of 
soldiers  to  Boston,  126;  prophesies 
independence,  128;    adds  Col.  P. 


INDEX 


207 


Gilman  to  the  Council,  131 ;  pre- 
vents destruction  of  tea  at  Ports- 
mouth, 133-134;  opposes  union  of 
colonies,  134-135;  dissolves  ir- 
regular meeting  of  the  Assembly, 
135;  hires  carpenters  for  Gage, 
137-138;  condemned  by  Ports- 
mouth committee,  138;  blames 
Woodbury  Langdon  for  opposition, 
139;  expects  attack  on  the  Castle, 
141;  his  efforts  to  prevent  the  at- 
tack, 141-143;  asks  for  naval 
assistance,  143;  attempts  to  bring 
the  rioters  to  justice,  145;  asks  for 
troops,  146;  organizes  bodyguards, 
I46-147;  despairs  of  peace,  I47; 
presents  conciliatory  proposals  of 
Parliament,  149;  asks  Barkley  to 
release  provision  ships,  150;  his 
house  attacked  by  a  mob,  156; 
takes  refuge  in  the  Castle,  156;  his 
life  in  the  Castle,  157-158;  asks  for 
another  ship,  157;  mediates  be- 
tween Capt.  Barkley  and  the 
people  of  Portsmouth,  159-160; 
leaves  New  Hampshire,  161;  goes 
to  the  Isles  of  Shoals,  161-162;  his 
last  official  act,  162;  at  Boston, 
162-163;  goes  to  Halifax  and 
thence  to  Long  Island,  163-164; 
goes  to  England,  164-165;  meets 
Adams  in  Paris,  166-167;  h's  pen- 
sion, 167;  proscribed  by  New 
Hampshire,  168;  his  property  con- 
fiscated, 168-170;  his  fear  for 
Wentworth  House,  169-170;  re- 
appointed surveyor  general  of  the 
King's  woods,  171 ;  sails  for  Nova 
Scotia,  17 1;  surveys  timber  in  Nova 
Scotia,  173;  builds  Friar  Law- 
rence's Cell,  173;  appointed  lieu- 
tenant-governor of  Nova  Scotia, 
174;  his  kindness  towards  Aca- 
dians  and  Indians,  175-176;  pro- 
motes internal  improvements,  177— 
178;  promotes  King's  College,  178; 
improves  militia,  179—18 1 ;  created 
baronet,  181 ;    his  entertainments, 


181-182;  hopes  to  succeed  Dor- 
chester, 183-184;  entertains  Louis 
Philippe,  184;  entertains  Thomas 
Moore,  185;  aids  Belknap  in  his 
historical  writing,  186-187;  his 
gifts  to  the  Massachusetts  Histori- 
cal Society,  187-188;  granted  an 
addition  to  his  family  arms,  188; 
expresses  appreciation  of  John 
Adams,  189-190;  appoints  Charles- 
Mary  member  of  the  Council,  etc., 
190;  superseded  by  Prevost,  191 ; 
retires  to  the  Lodge,  191 ;  the  As- 
sembly's appreciation  of,  191-192; 
pension  granted  to,  192;  goes  to 
England,  192;  returns  to  Nova 
Scotia,  193;  death  of,  193;  tablet 
in  memory  of,  193;  his  good  wishes 
for  New  Hampshire  and  the 
United   States. 

Wentworth,  Mrs.  John,  wife  of  the 
Governor.  See  Frances  Wentworth. 

Wentworth,  John,  nephew  of  the 
Governor,  71-72. 

Wentworth,  Mark  Hunking,  father 
of  the  Governor,  7;  member  of  the 
Council,  79,  note;  finances  Went- 
worth House,  99-100;  family  por- 
traits turned  over  to,  168;  defers  to 
other  creditors  of  Wentworth's 
estate,  170. 

Wentworth,  Col.  Michael,  64-65; 
marries  B.  Wentworth's  widow,  73. 

Wentworth,  Paul,  pays  for  publica- 
tion of  the  Holland  Map,  43,  166; 
given  portrait  of  Wentworth,  68, 
note;  helps  Wentworth  in  the 
Livius  affair,  81-83;  history  of,  82; 
befriends  the  Wentworths  in  Eng- 
land, 165;  his  services  to  the  gov- 
ernment, 165-166;  various  esti- 
mates of,  165-166. 

Wentworth,  Samuel,  uncle  of  the 
Governor,  69. 

Wentworth,  Sir  Thomas,  Bart.,  81- 
82;  helps  Wentworth  in  the  Livius 
affair,  82-83;  Bretton  Woods, 
N.  H.,  named  in  honor  of,  82,  note. 


208 


INDEX 


Wentworth,  Thomas,  brother  of  the 
Governor,  71;  his  children,  71-72; 
his  land  in  Wolfeborough,  88. 

Wentworth,  William,  settles  at  Exe- 
ter, 3;  moves  to  Dover,  4;  saves 
the  Heard  house,  4. 

Wentworth  Hall,  195. 

Wentworth  House,  New  Hampshire, 
Wentworth  builds,  89-90;  descrip- 
tion of,  90-91 ;  life  at,  92-95;  devel- 
ops Wolfeborough,  96-98;  financed 
by  M.  H.  Wentworth,  99-100; 
divine  services  held  at,  III,  note; 
ransacked  by  marauders,  158;  con- 
fiscated, 168;  bought  by  Andrew 
Cabot,  170;  destroyed  by  fire,  194. 

Wentworth  House,  Yorkshire,  de- 
scription of,  16;  frequented  by 
Lady  Wentworth  and  by  Charles- 
Mary,  188. 

Wentworth,  Lake.   See  Smith's  Pond. 

Wentworth-Gardner  house,  the,  71. 

Westover,  27. 

Wheelock,  Eleazar,  his  Indian  school 
105,  solicits  funds  in  England,  105- 
106;  seeks  new  location  for  school, 
106-107;    drafts  charter  of  Dart- 


mouth College,  107-110;   suggests 

naming    College    for   Wentworth, 

no;  silver  bowl  presented  to,  114; 

his  diplomacy,  117. 
Wheelwright,  the  Rev.  John,  founds 

Exeter,  3;   moves  to  Maine,  4. 
Whitaker,    Nathaniel,   in    England, 

106. 
Whitefield,  George,  106. 
White  Hills,  Wentworth  explores  the, 

95;  B.  Thompson  plans  expedition 

t0'95" 
Wilson,  portrait  painter,  his  portrait 

of  Wentworth,  68. 

Windsor,  N.  S.,  college  at,  178;  T. 
Moore  visits,  185. 

Windsor,  Vermont,  trespassers  upon 
the  King's  woods  at,  56. 

Winnipesaukee,  Lake,  194. 

Wolfe,  General  James,  13. 

Wolfeborough,  N.  H.,  granted,  13; 
spelling  of  name  of,  13,  note;  devel- 
opment of,  88;  Wentworth's  allot- 
ment in,  88-89;  Wentworth  House 
built  at,  89;  life  at,  92-95;  effect  of 
Wentworth  House  upon,  96,  100; 
population  of,  96. 


PRINTED  AT 

THE  HARVARD   UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

CAMBRIDGE,  MASS.,  U.S.A. 


University  of  California 

SOUTHERN  REGIONAL  LIBRARY  FACILITY 

405  Hilgard  Avenue,  Los  Angeles,  CA  90024-1388 

Return  this  material  to  the  library 

from  which  it  was  borrowed. 


oecnm 


